HISTOIRE DE L'ART / ART HISTORY
Organisation du 10e CONGRES INTERNATIONAL D'ART TURC

Imdugud which was represented on seals as an eagle with two lion-heads, was a characteristic symbol of the twin-god (Sun-god) in Mesopotamia, for the Sun-god had a double character. He radiates benevolent (in spring) and malevolent (in summer) light at the same time. The Mitannians in Syria adopted the Egyptian winged-disk and assimilated it into a concept of a sky symbol placed on top of the 'pillar supporting heaven'. The Hattians borrowed the eagle and represented it on seals in Anatolia. Assyrians modified the Egyptian winged-disk in replacing the wings and tail of the sparrow hawk with the wings and tail of the eagle. The winged disk was transferred from Mesopotamia to Persia in Achaemenid times and depicted on monuments and on cylindrical seals as a sky symbol. The winged disk with the eagle's wings and tail and the eagle itself were also a symbol and keeper of the Sun- or Sky-gate which was located in the mountain chain limiting the earth on its sides. The eagle was one of the oldest cosmological symbols in Eurasia.

 

Double headed sky eagle

A. Uzay Peker. Double-headed sky-eagle on the portal of the Erzurum Çifte Minareli Madrasa

 

Two-headed eagle (Ai,the Creator or Ai Toyon, the Creator of Light) was placed at the top of the Uralo-Altaic world tree. This practice seems to have a very long past preceding even the Mesopotamian beginnings. It is more constructive to interpret these old cosmological elements as the outcome of certain basic universal concepts existing in the cosmologies of sedentary and nomadic peoples of entire Asia. On the other hand there is a certain historical continuity in the Near Eastern art. The double or single-headed eagles in Seljukid art resemble their ancient Mesopotamian and Persian prototypes in respect to their style and application. The double-headed eagle can be found in Seljukid art as an abstracted figural element. The so-called arabesque decorations not only comprises the eagle as an abstracted figural element but the sacred tree as well. The Seljukid double-headed eagle is regarded as a heraldic symbol. This view still remains unsound. Likewise the Mesopotamian lion-headed eagle is treated as an emblem. It is related to the War- and Sun-god Ninurta whose cult under various local names was prominent in the cities represented by the lion-headed eagle. It did not belong to a single city, but to the cities where the Sun-god was the chief among the other gods. Its heavenly rather than earthly symbolism was more accentuated throughout the centuries. The Seljukid single- or double-headed eagle follows its prototype in this respect. There is not enough knowledge to justify the specific heraldic quality of the double-headed eagles which can be found in many places in Islamic arts. The double- or single-headed eagle was primarily a messenger and a symbol of the earthly power granted by god.

HISTOIRE DE L'ART / ART HISTORY
Organisation du 10e CONGRES INTERNATIONAL D'ART TURC

This presentation examines aspects of the interaction between Europe and the Ottoman Empire in the 16th and 17th centuries through a contextual analysis of a particular type of document, the costume album. Costumes were a focal point of the early European exploration of foreign cultures: determined in many pre-modern societies by the wearer's ethnic and occupational identity, attire became an ideogrammatic system with which the West represented the Orient. Thus, illustrated albums featuring compilations of costumes evolved into metonyms for the mores of other cultures, as costume came to represent custom.
Ottoman costume albums have received considerable attention in recent years, much of which has tended to regard them as a sui generis expression of early orientalism. This paper situates European-produced albums depicting Ottoman costumes at the crossroads of two representational strands: on the one hand, the large corpus of printed books depicting European costumes, as well as related traditions such as the Dance of Death and the Town Cries; and on the other, the books of marvels depicting the monstrous races and fabulous creatures inhabiting the terra incognita.
Initially produced by European travellers and reproduced through systematic copying, costume albums depicting Ottomans were eventually produced within the Ottoman Empire itself, by local artists commissioned by western travellers. The ease with which Ottoman artists were able to respond to this foreign demand is tied once again to the presence of two cultural traditions, this time Ottoman: encyclopaedic compilations focused on a particular subject such as biographical dictionaries of poets; and performative representations of Ottoman society in court ceremonial, guild parades, and later, shadow puppet theater.

HISTOIRE DE L'ART / ART HISTORY
Organisation du 10e CONGRES INTERNATIONAL D'ART TURC

This paper surveys the evidence found in the extant illustrated 16th century Persian Shirazi manuscripts of the Topkapi Palace Museum Library in conjunction with the evidence from the surviving documents in the Topkapi Palace Museum archives to determine the role played by the Ottoman book collectors in creating an increased demand for Persian luxury manuscripts. This demand was met by the prolific workshops of Shiraz as is implied by the accumulation of large numbers of Persian Shirazi manuscripts through various means in Ottoman collections. The Ottoman demand was there not only because the Ottoman collectors wanted to purchase these manuscripts for their own libraries and as presents for higher dignitaries of the Ottoman realm, but also because the Safavid officials wanted them for presentation to their Ottoman counterparts. As a result of the extended Ottoman-Safavid hostilities of the 16th century, the officials of the two states had increased contact which led to a more intensive cultural exchange. This in turn contributed to an increased activity in the production of the better quality Shirazi illustrated manuscripts.

HISTOIRE DE L'ART / ART HISTORY
Organisation du 10e CONGRES INTERNATIONAL D'ART TURC

The fortress of Aya Mavra is situated on a small island in the shallow lagoon between mainland Greece and the Ionian island of Levkas. The origin of the stronghold dates back to the early 14th century when the first, small, fortress was built by the Italian Orsini family. Until the Ottoman conquest in 1479 the Tocchi family ruled in Santa Maura. Both the Tocchi and the later Venetian rulers of the island (1502-1505 and from 1684 onwards) restored and/or enlarged the existing fortress. This led to the assumption that the fortress was built by the Venetians. In consequence the Ottoman contribution to the building history of the fortress remained completely unknown. This paper deals with the Ottoman period exclusively. The research is largely based on document and map material from Turkish, Venetian and Greek archives and libraries. It sheds new light on the extensive Ottoman building activities in Aya Mavra, and thus reveals a hitherto unknown but important period in the building history of Aya Mavra.

HISTOIRE DE L'ART / ART HISTORY
Organisation du 10e CONGRES INTERNATIONAL D'ART TURC

In the 19th century a new administrative centre emerged extra muros westward of the Damascene historical city centre, which differed functionally, structurally and artistically from the local building tradition. It is generally assumed that this modernization of the character of the Damascene city amounted to an europeanization. The aim of the paper is first to elucidate that it is not an immediate influence from Europe but an "osmanisation" of the architecture, and secondly that the development of a new administrative city centre as such is an expression of the Ottoman will for reform.
The Tanzîmat, which reformed, among other things, the administrative structures of the Ottoman empire, obviously changed the structures of Damascus as the capital city of the vilâyet of Syria. Particularly since the 1860's, the Ottoman city, with new fashioned administrative buildings developed around the Marga square. The architecture of these buildings differed clearly from traditional buildings. Unmistakably, Ottoman buildings, especially Anatolian konaks, served as models. Particularly from the 19th century onwards Ottoman perception of European art was copied.
The transformation of Damascene architecture was not limited to official buildings only, but also influenced private life. With the city houses, the real gem of Damascene architecture, one can grasp the developmental process from local building tradition to imperial style. The interior decoration and the design of the façade changed in such a way that the Damascenes themselves called those building units Istanbûlî (in the manner of Istanbul).
The centralisation of the Ottoman state bound Damascus more to Istanbul than ever before. In the 19th century all domains of architecture were orientated towards Istanbul, so that we can speak of an osmanisation of the general character of the Damascene city.