Teslenko, Iryna and Aliadinova, Dilyara
Glazed Ceramic Tableware In Early Ottoman Crimea
After the successful campaign of the grand vizier Gedik Ahmed Pasha to the Crimea in 1475, Southern Taurica and the eastern edge of the Kerch Peninsula, which previously belonged to the Genoese and the local principality of Theodoro, became part of the Ottoman Empire. This event, as well as new political and economic realities, had a significant impact on the material culture of the local population. Substantial alterations also occurred in the ceramic assemblage.
The events of 1475 entailed a crisis of local pottery production. Archaeological data clearly indicates the gradual disappearance of the glazed pottery of the previous epoch. First of all, colorful tableware of the “Caffa Style”, which was widespread in the Crimea and in Northern and Eastern Black Sea Region during 1400-1475, faded from the market.
At the same time, the inexpensive imported tableware from other territories of the Ottoman Imperia filled in the gap left by the local glazed pottery. The imports from Anatolia became a significant part of the Crimean ceramic assemblage, especially for the early period of Ottoman rule. There are not only commonly known tableware with cobalt paintings from the Iznik workshops, but also green and brown and sgraffito vessels, which are not well studied yet. Among the latter there is a bowl decorated with an Arabic inscription. The style and manner of writing may indicate the origin of both the artisan, who made the bowl, and probably the entire group of ceramic wares to which this vessel belongs. Moreover, even coarse wares, including glazed cooking pots, were imported.
According to the written sources of the first half of the 16th century, pottery manufacturing in Taurica, particularly in the Ottoman province Kefe (former Genoese Caffa) also persisted. However, in the Ottoman period vessels in new forms and decorations, more common for the central regions of the Imperia, began to prevail among the ceramic utensils of the local inhabitants. So, for instance, deep hemispherical bowls became typical for everyday tableware and chamber pots were integrated into the local culture, while the local glazed ceramics mostly lost their varied decoration. Only green or less often, brown painting remained, and by the end of the 16th – early 17th centuries vessels were decorated by an impression of the gearwheel on their outside, and in their inside with concentric circles engraved in the center of the bowls under the engobe coating.
Recovery of the local pottery manufacturing required quite a lot of time. The noticeable predominance of Crimean glazed ceramic over imported ones was noticeable only from the 17th century. Around this time local wares steadily occupied their niche in the regional trade. Researchers note numerous finds of the Crimean glazed pottery outside the peninsula in the second half of the 17th – early 18th centuries.
The aim of this research is an exploration of the changes in the glazed ceramic assemblages of the Crimea in the Early Ottoman times. The study is based on archaeological finds dated to the end of the 15th and the 16th century from several Crimean sites (Sudak, Alushta, Partenit, Balaklava etc.), which were partly presented by the authors earlier, as well as on the publications of materials from the excavations in Turkey.
The Muraqqa H.2158 In The Topkapi Palace Museum As A Medium That Brings Together Ottoman And Safavid Artistic Tastes
Muraqqa (album) is a volume, compiled with various art works. The preparation of the albums, which have the characteristics of a collection since they are a compilation of valuable examples of art to have them preserved and viewed. The difference between the albums prepared for the sultans and the ruling class as well as the art-loving city dwellers and soldiers, and the illustrated manuscripts is that albums are organized without being bound to a specific text. Developed in the Timurid, Turkmen and Safavid court ateliers, album production has emerged in the Ottoman art world starting from the 15th century. This artistic activity continued in the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century as well.
The subject of this paper is the album registered as TSMK H. 2158, which contains illuminating information about muraqqa production in the Ottoman Empire during the 18th century. This 64-folio album that was probably compiled in Istanbul, contains 34 images and 27 samples of calligraphy. Most of the images are those of youths and dervishes. Some are drawings and others are painted images, while all, except one reflect the 16th century Safavid painting style. This album sheds light on the circulation of Safavid paintings in the Ottoman world and the preferences of Ottoman collectors. It provides valuable information to understand the album production of the era and the significant features in bringing the artworks together.
In this paper, images and calligraphy examples in the album will be briefly introduced in terms of style and content, and then the relationship of these works with each other will be analyzed. With this study, it is aimed to understand the production process of the album and the methods used in the production of muraqqa during that period.
The images in the album are replicas or copies of the samples frequently used in 16th century Safavid paintings. The reasons for the circulation of the images and the reason why they gained appreciation among Ottoman owners have not been properly discussed until now.
The album includes Persian, Ottoman and Arabic texts and calligraphic samples, written in ta’lik script. The vast majority of these examples are composed of the renowned works of Persian literature. Another matter of discussion is the image and word combinations of the album.
This paper examines all the works in the album as a whole and addresses the question of whether or not the compiler (vassal) – designer of the album tried to create a whole in terms of form and content.
Ottoman Glass Art And Its Interactive Relation With Glass Art In Venice In The 18th- 19th Centuries
Glass has been used for both decorative and industrial purposes for hundreds of years. Byzantine glass masters, who migrated from the East to Italy, contributed to the establishment of the glass industry in Venice. The slowdown in production in eastern workshops caused Venice to shine in this area. The workshops were moved to the island of Murano in 1291 in order to ensure safety against possible fires, and to further tighten the supervision of glass masters and materials. The Murano craftsmen produced better quality products by developing their production techniques and decoration styles, and created a unique world. Very strict rules were applied for the artisans; it was forbidden to supply material from a place other than the Venetian lagoon, while leaving the area was punishable by death. Additionally, it was considered an esteemed profession, glass artisans were considered equal to the nobility, and they had many opportunities including the right to marry into aristocratic families. After the Industrial Revolution, glass production in Murano lost acceleration.
Glass production was seen in the Ottoman Empire from 1450 onwards, but the most effective period began with Beykoz Glass producion during the reign of Selim III. Ottoman glass art had interactions with Byzantine, Iranian, Safavid and Mesopotamian art. However, by end of the 18th century, when a tendency to create its own distinct style began to emerge, Glass Art claimed a very important place in the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, glass was not only used as a decorative element, but it also became one of the most important products of the Ottoman Empire in the international competition after the Industrial Revolution. Venetian craftsmen were consulted to find out the technique and workmanship required for both this style and its creation. The Mevlevi Dervish Mehmed Dede was sent to Venice to learn glass making techniques in the island of Murano during the reign of Selim III. Mehmed Dede learned how to make opal glass in Venice, and helped create a blended style with Ottoman Glass Art. The products of the workshop established in Beykoz, which is a favorable region for glass production, are known as Beykoz Glass. After the first glass workshop in Beykoz,”The Glass and Crystal Factory” was established with the support of Ahmed Fethi Pasha. Additionally in 1899, “Fabbrica Vetrami di Constantinople”, which was seen as the third step of Beykoz Glass, was established by Saul D. Modiano, an Italian Jew, in Pashabahche. The most important symbol of Beykoz work is the Chashm-i bulbul, which means “the eye of the nightingale”. Despite originating in Venice, because of the difficulty of production, labor, and the colors and forms that harmonize with the Ottoman culture, Chasm-i bulbul became internalized in Istanbul. The factory produced objects such as jugs, glasses, vases, rose water flasks, jam containers, snow holders, flasks, and cups, all of which were produced in chashm-i bulbul form as well. Chashm-i bulbul has many technical, color and form similarities with Murano glasses while it also carries some elements from Ottoman Art in the shape of its form. This study compares and contrasts the Beykoz and Murano production in terms of technique, form and decoration, as well as examine the relationship between the Venetian Guild and the Gedik system.
Beykoz Glass production, as one of the most prestigious works of its era, is significant in symbolizing the efforts of change within the Ottoman Empire against the changing and strengthening European countries. In addition to revealing important points about 19th century Ottoman Art, it is hoped that the examination of the glass works of this period will further the study of both the Ottoman-Venetian relations and Eastern Mediterranean Art.
The Art Of Completing Unfinished Manuscripts In Ottoman Calligraphy
To date, scholars in the field of Islamic art and architecture have subjected the diversity of scripts, styles, and historical works of Islamic calligraphy to art-historical scrutiny. Historians of Islamic art such as Sheila Blair and Alain George have explored the historical development of Islamic calligraphy over time, whilst scholars such as Yasser Tabbaa, Irene Bierman, and Irvin Cemil Schick have investigated the political and religious motives underlying profound changes to the Arabic scripts. Meanwhile, in the field of Ottoman calligraphy, art historians Tim Stanley, Nabil Safwat, and Uğur Derman have constructed the history of Ottoman calligraphy through an examination of the the biographies of calligraphers and the works they produced. Within the majority of these studies, manuscripts are typically presented as the artistic output of individual calligraphers, whose training, talent, and stylistic lineages are canvassed as possible contributing factors to the manuscript’s aesthetic form. Although the study of manuscripts produced by individual calligraphers has been of fundamental importance to the field, one area of research which is yet to be explored, is the study of individual manuscripts written by multiple calligraphers.
Resulting from new archival and source-based research, this paper investigates the Ottoman calligraphic practice of completing unfinished manuscripts. Specifically, it is demonstrated here that Ottoman calligraphers, either alone or within a group of practitioners, would frequently finish manuscripts that other calligraphers could not complete due to their demise or illness. Although there are numerous examples to be explored, this paper will examine eight such examples, including Qur’ans, prayer books, and an inscription, dating from the 16th to the early 20th century. In all of the examples to be discussed here, calligraphic works were begun by a master calligrapher, left incomplete, and then finished by other calligraphers.
As this paper argues, a study of this practice reveals a number of fascinating insights into the Ottoman calligraphic tradition. Firstly, it is shown here that the completion of unfinished manuscripts was conceptualised as a duty and act of homage to the deceased master that began the work, and was often undertaken by the master’s students following his demise. Secondly, it is shown that the process of completing the manuscript in the original master’s style compelled the calligrapher(s) to engage in an artistic practice known as taklid, or ‘imitation’. And thirdly, it is shown that this artistic process was an extension of the training calligraphers underwent during their apprenticeships.
Through an investigation of the completion of unfinished manuscripts, this paper aims to challenge and address the conventional relationships conceived between calligraphers and the manuscripts they produced, and underscore the role of taklid towards the creation and conception of completed works. Furthermore, by exploring the ways in which the completion of unfinished manuscripts established a relationship between deceased and living calligraphers, this paper aims to demonstrate how objects are also repositories of cultural meaning. Finally, by examining manuscripts as living artefacts in the continuous process of creation, this paper aims to advance the study of Ottoman calligraphy beyond a purely formal study of materiality to one which argues for a dynamic intersection between art and commemoration.
Ceramics And Cultural Interaction In 14th Century Anatolia
This paper seeks to contribute to the history and archaeology of late 13th and 14th century Anatolia through the lens of pottery. Although the period in question constitutes a key moment in the formation of the Ottoman Empire leading to its consolidation in the 15th century, there is a paucity of studies dealing with its history and especially its archaeology. In order to offer new information on the material culture of the late 13th and 14th century Anatolia, this paper presents unprovenanced late medieval ceramics from the Nihat Kolaşın Collection in the Archaeological Museum of Istanbul, some of which are currently on display at the Çinili Kiosk.
Similar ceramics from Northern and Central Anatolia were previously published and dated to the late 13th and 14th centuries. This paper discusses the unprovenanced pottery finds of the Nihat Kolaşın collection to explore the technological and socio-economic components underlying the production, distribution and consumption of these ceramics and to suggest a possible geographical origin as well as a chronological framework by finding parallels in the literature. After discussing the ways of defining the ceramic types, technological aspects are investigated by identifying the modes of pottery production including clay selection, modelling, glazing, formal repertoire and decoration. The socio-economic aspects are then examined in the second part of the paper by analysing the distribution and consumption patterns of ceramics similar to those of the Nihat Kolaşın collection recorded in Turkey and elsewhere. This is followed by an analysis of their decorative repertoire, to understand the geographic outreach of the taste and demand mechanisms as well as the specific fashions in design. Lastly, the Nihat Kolaşın ceramics are compared with parallels in welldated archaeological pottery assemblages and museum collections so as to contextualise their provenance and dating. This paper also attempts to point out the “cultural hybridity” of the ceramics presented here. The production techniques, formal repertoire and iconography used in the decoration of these earthenware vessels use borrowed shapes and decorative elements common to the artefacts found in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Black Sea and Central Anatolia that have been studied separately as Byzantine, Islamic and Frankish. This mixing and melting of various traditions in a single object may be indicating that pottery created in this period, which was commonly traded and widely distributed, was adapted to fit the international tastes of a multi-cultural society. In this context, the ceramics of the Nihat Kolaşın collection provide a unique window to explore the daily life and society in Anatolia from a bottom-up perspective, during the Mongol rule in the late 13th and 14th century C.E. when the Anatolian plateau became a transit territory in the commercial networks of the Pax Mongolica, between the East and the West, as well as the North and the South.
Burlot, Jacques and Waksman, Yona
Defining The Decoration Production Technology Of An Early Ottoman Pottery: The Case Of The “Miletus Ware”
Since the 1990s, archaeometric studies have attested to the production of new types of ceramic in Western Anatolia, linked to the arrival of Turkish populations in the region from the end of the 13th century. Among these new types, the so-called Miletus Ware was widely produced in Iznik and is considered one of the first wares produced by Ottoman potters. In its decoration, this ware featured new stylistic characteristics that coincided with the introduction of new recipes and the use of new materials, which were further developed in later Ottoman ceramic productions.
Our study was conducted on archaeological samples of Miletus Ware from eight sites in Turkey and Crimea, whose productions were defined and contextualized through archaeological research and provenance studies carried out by elemental analyses by WD-XRF of the ceramic bodies. The results that will be presented focus on the decoration techniques defined by the analyses of glazes, underglaze paintings and slips using SEM-EDS and Raman spectroscopy.
These results show that there were important innovations in the Miletus Ware decoration production technology. While the decoration of Byzantine ceramics had essentially constituted of a highlead transparent glaze, coloured by a reduced range of metallic oxides resting on a clay slip, the decoration of the Miletus Ware was different and much more varied. Its glaze recipe actually included new sodium-based fluxes and new underglaze decorations like the black and dark blue ones – obtained with pigments featuring magnesiochromite and cobalt respectively – which were produced with materials that potters in western Anatolia did not use before. Furthermore, the slip was no longer clay-based but synthetic, prefiguring in this way the later production using synthetic paste of the Iznik Fritwares upon which the fame of 16th century Ottoman ceramics was based.
These observations demonstrate that Miletus Ware was a marker of a technological transition in late medieval western Anatolia, the production of which implied the use of new resources, as well as the creation of new commercial relationships in the ceramic industry of this region, most probably favoured by the expansion of the Ottoman empire.
An Evaluation Of The Documents Related To The Construction, Repair And Furnishing Of The Yildiz Palace In The Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives
Yıldız hill, which is located within the boundaries of the Beşiktaş district of Istanbul, is mentioned in 16th century records as a hunting and recreation area but was considered as an area of zoning towards the end of the 18th century. In the 19th century, when the Ottoman Empire was transformed in many areas such as discourse, politics and culture, the fate of the region began to change. It saw its first serious construction at the time of Sultan Abdülaziz with the Great Mabeyn Mansion, and began to become the center of the empire after 1877. Under the rule of Sultan Abdülhamid II, this change in the identity of the region affected a change in its physical appearance as well, and a “city within a city” image was created. The Yıldız Palace, which is a collection of structures rather than a single one, is set apart in terms of settlement within the 19th century European-style Ottoman palace architecture.
Yıldız palace, which can be considered as a brief summary of the late Ottoman architecture, needs to be collectively evaluated regarding its construction, repair and furnishings (interior decoration). The aim of this study is to identify the relevant Ottoman archival documents and to focus on their language and the method of reading them. This study hopes to construct a new research method for the evaluation of Ottoman architecture. The subject of the study is limited to archival documents between 1860 and 1923. The study can be summarized as a method and evaluation study on the archival records related to the architecture of the palace: how can they be accessed, what kind of documents can be found and how the documents should be read.
There are several reasons why such a study is needed. The first is the lack of such a study in the literature. The second is to provide art and architectural historians with the right references for finding the appropriate archival documents saving them time and resources. The third is to prepare researchers for the problems that may be encountered. Finally, it is to raise awareness on the methods of reading the documents. Afife Batur was the first scholar to point out that archival documents relating to the Yıldız Palace had to be consulted to evaluate its architecture in her report called Yıldız Palace Some Documents and Problems of Documentation Work in Turkey”. The author based her work on the Italian archives and stated that the Turkish archives had operational challenges for the period (1984-5). Nilay Özlü’s “Center of the Center: The Yıldız Palace during the Reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II” is another study which uses archival documents to analyse the architecture of the Yıldız Palace.
It is hoped that this study will eventually reach a significant maturity. Thus, in the light of the primary sources, the ease of understanding the technical, aesthetic and practical criteria of Ottoman architecture will be obtained.
Demirsar Arlı, V. Belgin and Grošelj, Špela
Architect Antonio Lasciac (Anton Laščak) In The Ottoman Empire
Antonio Lasciac (Slovene: Anton Laščak) was a royal architect of Said Halim Pasha of the Khedive dynasty of Egypt. Lasciac, whose origins are Slovenian, was born in the Austro-Hungarian Empire on September 21st, 1856 in the city of Gorizia (now a border city between Slovenia and Italy). He studied at the University of Vienna just at the time when the Art Nouveau buildings at the Ringstrasse were being built. Lasciac did his apprenticeship in his hometown of Gorizia and in 1882 went to Alexandria (Egypt), where he would help in the reconstruction of the city.
After six years in Egypt, Lasciac went to Italy coming back in 1895, but this time to Cairo, where he received many commissions from the Egyptian nobility. In that period, Abbas Hilmi II (r. 1892-1914) ascended the Khedive throne. Abbas Hilmi II, had studied in Vienna just like Lasciac, and this was one of the reasons why Austrophilia took over the Francophilia of his predecessors. In the same period Lasciac became the personal architect of prince Said Halim, who had spent most of his youth in Istanbul. In 1907, Abbas II gave Lasciac the title Bey and named him a royal architect. Due to this new title, he also became a member of the board of the Comité de Conservation des Monuments de l’Art Arabe.
Abbas Hilmi’s and his extended family’s commissions weren’t limited only to Cairo. In the beginning of the 20th century, Lasciac visited Istanbul, where he renovated and built some of the palaces (yalı) on the shores of the Bosphorus. The best known example is the Valide Pasha Palace (also known as Princess Emine’s yalı) in Bebek (currently the Egyptian Embassy). Lasciac is also the architect of the Hıdiv Kasrı in Çabuklu (on the Asian side of the Bosphorus) and according to some sources he had also renovated the Said Halim Pasha palace in Yeniköy. As an architect, he had always collaborated with interior designers from his natal Austro-Hungarian Empire. Besides the palaces in Istanbul, some sources name Lasciac as the architect who planned the renovation of the Imaret in Kavala (now in Greece), the home town of Mohammed Ali, the founder of the Khedive dynasty and grandfather of Said Halim Pasha.
The aim of this paper is to discuss the palaces by the Bosphorus built or rebuilt by Lasciac as well as his role in the rebuilding of the Imaret in Kavala. The authorship of the abovementioned palaces will be examined and they will be compared with Lasciac’s work in Egypt, Italy and Slovenia. This study also addresses the question of the origin and nationality (Italian, Austrian or Slovenian) of the architect and how this may have affected his work. In other words how how he had interpreted Islamic culture and combined it with a European style.
Gümüş, Müjde Dila
An Early Example Of The Second Constitutional Era Monuments: The Project Of Raymond Péré
The declaration of the IInd Constitutional Monarchy brought along with it a course of significant change and it was decided that two monuments should be built to commemorate this milestone; one in Istanbul and another one in Thessaloniki. The first project created for Istanbul is the Hürriyet Abidesi (Liberty Monument), designed by Vedad (Tek) Bey. The project, planned to be situated in Sultanahmet Square, was shelved after the 31st March Incident. Instead, Muzaffer Bey’s Abide-i Hürriyet (Monument of Liberty) was built in Çağlayan. Even though the foundations were laid for the project developed for Thessaloniki, its construction was never completed. Its project, designed by Raymond Péré, which can be found in the Ottoman State Archives, indicates that the construction of another monument in Izmir was also considered. This paper will explore the position of the monument designed by Raymond Péré in regard to the design approach that symbolized the new regime.
Péré’s project is drawn on a letterhead paper with the heading “Raymond C. Péré. Architecte & Peintre. Smyrne (Turquie d’Asie)”, and the date - in the form of “Smyrne, le ... 190…”- was left unfilled. There is no written explanation, date or signature on the document. The fact that there is a belt on the monument inscribed with the date “24 Juill[et] 1908”, shows that the monument was designed to commemorate the declaration of the IInd Constitutional Monarchy. Péré’s design consists of a column placed on a large-scale architectural construction serving as a pedestal. Between the column and the pedestal, there is a rock wrapped with tattered ropes and chains, which is flanked by a cannonball and a naval ship, intended to highlight the state’s military power. The coat of arms of the Ottoman Empire is placed on top of the column. The monument shows great resemblance to the Izmir Clock Tower which was designed by the same architect. Raymond Péré’s monument project is an eclectic one significantly influenced by an orientalist approach, during the IInd Constitutionalism years when the National Style was supported by the state. It is set apart from the Abide-i Hürriyet and Tayyare Şehitleri Anıtı (Monument of the Matrys of the Aircraft Accident) in Istanbul by its design and ornamental features.
Although the Şam Telgraf Anıtı (The Telegraph Monument in Damascus) designed by Raimondo D’Aronco during the reign of Abdülhamid II is earlier, it is an exceptional case, and the Abide-i Hürriyet is considered the first monument of the Ottoman Empire in respect of its symbolizing a milestone such as the change of regime. The IInd Constitution monument projects of Raymond Péré and Vedad (Tek) Bey are remarkable in the sense that they are dated prior to the Abide-i Hürriyet. Since no visual document of the project designed for Thessaloniki or Sultanahmet Square has been found so far, Raymond Péré’s design gains importance as one of the first examples of the earliest monuments in the history of Ottoman art and architecture. As a result of the presentation of the project in question, the examination of its features and its comparison with other examples from the period, Raymond Péré’s design will find a place in the literature of the history of late Ottoman art and architecture.
Turkish Art, Architecture And Languages In Bangladesh (Past Bengal): A Historical And Analytical Study During The Medieval Period
During the South Asia Sultanate and the Mughal periods (1200-1800), with the rise of the Islamic states as the dominant powers in India, the Indian Sub-Continent (India, Pakistan and Bangladesh) and Indian art were subjected to Islamic influence. This resulted in a hybrid aesthetic as well as Indo-Islamic art, which flourished to varying extents across south and south east Asia. Bangladesh (past Bengal), situated in South Asia, is the world’s third largest Muslim majority country and the nation’s main identity is defined through mosque architecture and language. Traditional history placed the Mughal and Ottoman states in the center of the trade and considered them as the “Middle Man” due to their access to water routes between Asia and Europe. Although the Ottomans and the Mughals share common ethnic roots, their approach to Islamic art and architecture, from paintings to architecture, is different in the Indian subcontinent, Turkey and eastern Mediterranean.
Turkish commander Ikhtiyar Uddin bin Muhammad Bhaktiyer Khilji captured Bengal with his Turkish followers in 1204 A.D. and began ruling the region. Besides these many sufi saints like Khan Jahan Ulugh Khan, Burhan Khan, came there spreading Islam and Turkish culture together with Turkic languages. The Ilyas Shahi dynasty, founded in 1342 by Shamsuddin Iliyas Shah, was the first independent Turkic Muslim dynasty, which ruled Bengal during the 14th and 15th centuries. Many Turkish words like Barood, Nishan, Chaku, Bahadur, Begum, Chadar, Surma, bavarchi, kiyma, Korma are still used in Bengali language. The Adina Masjid (1368) and Eklakhi mausoleum at Pandua; the Shah Rukn-e Alam tomb in Multan, the Sixty Domed Mosque at Bagherhat in Bangladesh etc. are from this period. These demonstrate the Turkish contribution to the Bengali culture and language, as well as art and architecture.
This paper analyzes the connections between the Turkish world and Bangladesh through Islamic art, architecture, languages and culture. It will also discuss the Turkish tribal leaders in Bangladesh during the 13th – 15th centuries. Its main focus concentrates on the importance of the role of the Turkish or Turkic groups on the art and culture of the Indian sub-continent and Bangladesh.
The Karamanids And Their Illuminated Manuscripts In 14th-Century Konya
Scholarship concerning the artistic landscapes of medieval Anatolia has made encouraging progress in recent years. Published research to date, however, has not considered the production of the Islamic arts of the book in this period in its fullest cultural contexts. Several illuminated Anatolian manuscripts remain from the late 13th and 14th centuries. Many of these feature lavish ornamentation and contain rich historical details concerning their scribes, illuminators and patrons. However, this material remains relatively neglected in broader surveys of Islamic art. This paper partially addresses this gap in scholarship by discussing two illuminated manuscripts produced for the Karamanid dynasty (1256-1474) who were based in Larende (Karaman), Ermenek and, eventually, Konya in the medieval period.
These two Arabic manuscripts are a Qur’an dated to 1314-15 and an almanac (taqwīm) produced in 1369-70. The two-volume, monumental Qur’an was produced in Konya in 714/1314-15 for Khalil ibn Mahmud ibn Qaraman. The manuscript is now in the Mevlana Museum collection (no. 12). It was copied in large-scale muhaqqaq by Isma’il ibn Yusuf and skillfully illuminated by Ya’qub ibn Ghazi al-Qunawi. The almanac was recently discovered by A.C.S. Peacock in the University Library of Leiden (MS.Or.563). It was produced for ‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Khalil ibn Mahmud ibn Qaraman, probably in Konya, in 771/1369-70. The manuscript contains several (quite damaged) illustrations. Due to these illustrations, it is a rare surviving example of a securely-identified illustrated manuscript from late medieval Anatolia. I will also present another manuscript (a mirror for princes) produced in 1228 (625 AH) that contains an illuminated fourteenth-century reading note. This manuscript was originally produced for ‘Ala’ al-Din Kaykubad I in Alanya but was later owned by Ibrahim ibn Mahmud ibn Qaraman. It probably acquired its additional illumination in early fourteenth-century Konya. It is now in the collection of the Süleymaniye Library (Aşir Efendi 316).
I argue that the manuscripts display visual links to the Ilkhanid and Mamluk arts of the book demonstrating that manuscript production in Konya was not an isolated undertaking. However, I will also highlight certain motifs that are unique to the town and (taken with additional evidence) suggest that there was a local tradition, or ‘school’, of illumination. The paper will also discuss the manuscripts’ production contexts, including the cultural and artistic activities of their Karamanid patrons. Looking at the patrons in more depth reveals some perhaps unexpected characteristics. For example, all three were on friendly terms with the Persian-speaking Mevlevis and there are even Persian interlinear translations in one of the manuscripts. In their choices of reading material, it would appear that the three beys were also interested in emulating archetypal Islamic princes by consuming advice literature and astrological manuals. I argue that these aspects complicate any simple assumptions about the ‘Turkish’ (i.e. non-Persian) and ‘frontier warrior’ identity of the Karamanids and also challenges approaches that treats the beyliks as homogenous groups.
Following An École In The Ottoman Wall Paintings In Kosovo
Wall paintings, which began to be widely seen in the late Ottoman period, were first seen in the Ottoman Palace and its surroundings, followed by edifices in Anatolia, the Balkans and the Middle East from the 18th century onward. They spread over a wide territory within a short time, and became an important branch of art thanks to the ayans (landed proprietors in Ottoman Empire), city governors, wealthy merchants and leading figures of the city.
This study is about four of the buildings with wall paintings in Kosovo, that are in similar styles and subjects: The Sinan Pasha Mosque, Emin Pasha Mosque, Ilyas Kuka Mosque in Prizren and the Fatih (Bayraklı) Mosque in Peja. The paper introduces the wall paintings and painted decorations and examines them in terms of subject and style. It also dwells upon the spread of this painting école by traveling artists and their contribution to its development.
Wall painting spread over different regions of the Ottoman territories from the 18th century onward. The differences in the wall paintings found in different regions such as Istanbul, Anatolia, Balkans and the Middle East that are due to the influence of various ethnic groups and artists form the schools.
Ottoman period wall paintings can be considered as a whole from their technical aspects. However, recent studies have postulated different schools. İnci Kuyulu states that there is a common école in the Aegean region while Pelin Şahin Tekinalp and Stefan Weber emphasize that it is possible to talk about an artist group or a school around Gaziantep, Hatay and Damascus. Although some think that there may be a Balkan école as well, there are few studies to support this view.
The main focus of this study is to determine whether or not there is a specific way of expression in the paintings and painted decorations in Kosovo. Three of the above mentioned four buildings are located in Prizren and the last one in Peja. The distance between these two cities is approximately 70 kilometers. This fact supports the idea of the existence of an artist group in the region. In addition, the date differences among the buildings show that there is also an embraced decoration repertoire aside from the existence of the same artist or artist group. The subjects, colors, styles, filled and unfilled portions in the decorations of the mentioned buildings strengthen the idea of the existence of an école in Kosovo. In addition, the presence of wall paintings in two different cities shows that there could have been travelling artists. Another problematic of the study is the identification of the artists who worked in the buildings. Artist names are not encountered much in wall paintings. Therefore, these decorations mostly remain anonymous. There are no signatures in any of the four buildings included in our study, but the name Vasilije Kristic is mentioned in some publications of an artist who is claimed to have worked in the decoration of the Sinan Pasha Mosque in Prizren- is quite important. This paper will discuss the identity of this artist and whether or not he worked within a group of artists. In addition, the wall paintings in the four buildings will be compared with the identified works of the mentioned artist.
Koshenova, Gulbanu and Zhiyenbayev, Yerlan
An Example Of Mosque Architecture From Kyzylorda Region, Kazakhstan: Gani Bay Mosque
Kyzylorda is one of the largest regions of Kazakhstan, a vast country located in the steppes of Central Asia. Never losing its centrality and importance in history, Kyzylorda became the center of many cultures and civilizations as it is situated in Mavenaunnehir between Sırderya (aka Seyhun) and Amuderya (aka Ceyhun) Rivers. It was also the home of the Oghuz Turks before their migration to Anatolia. Situated in Sırderya Basin where trade routes intersect, many wars were waged to control this strategic region and cities, which passed from one conqueror to another.
Thus, from the 19th century on, Kokand Khanate and Tsarist Russia built defensive structures on the right and left banks of Sırderya River in order to gain control over the region. Caravans leaving Tashkent, Bukhara, Samarkand and Khiva were going from Atbasar to West Siberia, from Turgay to Troisk, and Orenburg Gubernia. Majority of the trade routes established by Tsarist Russia in the 19th century passes through Kazakhstan, and especially through Kyzylorda region. As the number of caravans increased, Tsarist Russia built a castle in Kazalı District (Raiym) which is located on the Khorezm-Russia trade route, and Muslim Tatars living in the neighboring areas and Orenburg city were deported to Kazalı. In 1847, Tsarist Russia established a small settlement called Kazalı under the pretext of protecting local Kazakh people against Kokandians and Khiveans but with the real purpose of establishing control over the region. Kazalı developed into a city with time.
Constructions increased in Kazalı district when Tartar Turks arrived in 1854. Historical sources tell us that four mosques were built in 1872, 1894, and 1905. After five decades, only the one built by Tartar tradesmen at the city center in 1894 survived. Most likely the other mosques collapsed because they were made of adobe.
Gildiy Husaynov, who is of Tartar origin, had a mosque and a caravansary built next to each other during the early years of the establishment of Kazalı city (or bastion back then) with the aim of satisfying the religious and commercial needs of travelers.
It is known that it was designed and built by Architect Musinov in 1894 with the financial support of Gani Galiyeviç Husaynov during the establishment years of Kazalı.
The building has a rectangular design. Its mihrap niche located on the western side (kiblah direction) is semicircular and bulges outside the building, which is in the east-west direction and consists of three sections. The design of the Gani Bay Mosque is a uniform one used throughout Kazakhstan and Kyzylorda region.
In this paper, we will examine the Gani Bay Mosque in detail with a focus on its design and materials using its restoration documents and drawings. We will also compare it with the other mosques in the same district such as Noğay, Kojanazar İşan, and Merjani mosques, highlighting the unique features of the architecture of Ganibay Mosque.
Kut, Naz Defne
Iconography Of A Catholic Victory: The Battle Of Lepanto In Italian Painting
This paper examines the symbolic significance of the Battle of Lepanto for the Catholic world by focusing on the artistic outcome of the battle, particularly on the depictions of the Battle of Lepanto in Italian painting. It aims to contribute to the existing literature in art history on Lepanto, which is a relatively understudied subject compared to the abundance of the relevant artistic material, through the iconographic analysis of the Catholic “victory” narrative.
The Battle of Lepanto, which took place on October 7, 1571, was a naval encounter between the Ottoman Empire and the Holy League, an alliance between Venice, the Papal States, and Spain. Although the battle itself was a brief encounter in a series of battles during the Fourth Ottoman-Venetian War (1570-1573), which eventually resulted in favor of the Ottomans, the symbolism attributed to the Holy League’s victory at Lepanto, exceeded its real military significance and extended well beyond the time and place it occurred.
Their victory became a global victory for Catholicism, which helped the re-establishment of the Catholic Church’s authority in the face of the “heretical” challenges posed by the Protestant Reformation and the Ottoman advancement in the Mediterranean in the sixteenth century.
In this paper, I present the findings of my on-site research, consisting of descriptive and iconographic analysis of Italian religious paintings, as well as other forms of art related to the battle, to demonstrate the extent of the symbolic significance of the battle.
For the purposes of this study, the artistic outcome of the battle is categorized thematically under two main sections: secular and religious. The secular artworks mainly serve to document the battle through maps and engravings by its contemporaries or appear in later periods as examples of history or maritime paintings as genres. On the other hand, the religious outcome appears either in tangible or intangible form. The tangible form includes paintings with religious attributions, monuments, tiles and stained glass decorations in churches, whereas the intangible includes various social activities to celebrate the victory at Lepanto.
The analysis of 85 religious paintings from different Catholic regions and periods reflect a common characteristic in the form of an emphasis on a belief in divine intervention, which ultimately led to a Christian victory. The assumed divine intervention appears in numerous paintings in several forms. Many depict saintly figures, such as the Madonna of the Rosary, appearing on top of the naval battle scenes and guiding the fleet of the Holy League, thus implying that the Holy League is believed to have won the battle against the Ottoman Empire thanks to their Catholic faith.
Overall, this study presenting paintings and other forms of visual accounts, argues that the victory of the Holy League was instrumentalized as a means for Catholic propaganda at the start of the Counter-Reformation period in the Italian peninsula and then became a symbol of the strength of Catholicism around the world for centuries to come.
Problems Of Identification Of The “Masters Of Tabriz”
The paradox of the “Masters of Tabriz” is that they are both famous and enigmatic. On one hand they are well-known because they are associated with the splendor of the architectural ceramics for which the ottoman edifices are renowned: on the other hand, they remain mysterious and very little is known about these ceramists.
The name is itself a problem. The majority of the sources refer to them as the masters of Tabriz because of the signature Ustādān-i Tabrīz found in the Yeşil Cami in Bursa (1424). However, this same name refers to four groups of ceramists who worked mainly in Bursa, Edirne, Istanbul and Jerusalem from the beginning of the 15th century to the middle of the 16th century. They are called by this name because most of them are directly or indirectly linked to Tabriz. But this designation leads to confusion as it implies that they all come from Tabriz whereas for some, it is difficult to prove a link with this Iranian town.
It is not only their geographical origin that is controversial, but also several aspects of their history. Certain architectural tiles which they have not signed give rise to problems of attribution and consequently lead to further questions concerning their artistic route through the Ottoman Empire and neighboring principalities. Furthermore, even their trade as ceramists can be contested since it is not easy to prove. These problems of identification are essentially due to the absence of biographies. In concrete terms, these ceramists are only known from their names inscribed in the buildings and from the Ottoman chancellery documents.
“Masters of Tabriz” have interested specialists since the beginning of the 29th century. Studies since then have brought to light precious information on the historical and artistic context of this period and convincing hypotheses have been formulated on the history of these craftsmen. But the problem is that the number of theories concerning their geographical origins, their artistic career or their trade, are undoubtedly confusing. The lack of tangible proof and the fragility of the identification methods allow different points of view. Hence, it becomes increasingly difficult for the reader to draw a distinction between reliable arguments and those which are uncertain. Furthermore, extrapolation and hasty interpretation of ancient texts lead to false deductions. Yet they are considered as convincing indications. This approach is problematic because it spreads incorrect notions and naturally falsifies the identification of the ceramists.
This present study proposes to analyze once again the elements of identification, in particular by rereading the Ottoman, Arabic and Persian sources. The objective is to bring to light tangible notions about the “Masters of Tabriz” and to dismiss unfounded hypotheses. This clarification of their identification will give a clearer vision of these craftsmen and will put an end to misconceptions, as their enigmatic history tends to give rise to imaginary stories.
Suut Kemal Yetkin And Art Criticism: Writing On Art And Institutionalisation Of The Culture Of Art Criticism 1950-1980
The continuing institutional and cultural structures formed by the leadership of Prof. Dr. Suut Kemal Yetkin (1903-1980) show his important impact in art life. This paper aims to show the importance of Yekin’s studies to make Turkish art visible in the international arena and the contemporary interactions in the foundation of our criticism culture.
Suut Kemal Yetkin was among the participants of the first Board Meeting of UNESCO (founded in 1945) at the National Library in Ankara in 1949. The parallel and interconnected structures of international processes in the fields of art and politics are important to see to understand the interconnected progress of social and cultural elements. For example, “International Association of Art Critics” (Association Internationale des Critiques d’art-AICA), founded in Paris in 1950, is a UNESCO organization. Almost three years after its foundation, Suut Kemal Yetkin was among the founders of the Turkish branch. One of his contributions that should be remembered as an important development in this process is his speech at the prestigious AICA Congress in Dublin in 1953, which brought together the important art critics of the period. As a result of his speech and the discussions initiated on Eastern and Western art, the congress was moved to Istanbul the next year. Thus, an area was opened for Turkish critics where they could follow international developments directly and develop global ideas and actions simultaneously. The fact that important critics such as Herbert Read (1893-1968), LionelloVenturi (1885-1961), one of the founders of AICA, came to Istanbul for the congress shows the existence of a profound history of contemporary interactions in terms of art history and criticism culture.
As one of the originators of the 16th International Turkish Art Congress, which will be held in 2019, it will be important to remember these precious efforts in the past and to inspire new ideas as well as to discuss Suut Kemal’s contributions to the field of art and criticism.
The purpose of the paper is to make visible the type of art criticism developed and proposed by Suut Kemal Yetkin himself, who says “It is possible to observe a work of art with the excitement it awakens and to speak not of our own adventure but its aesthetic adventure.” In this way, it tries to show that competent criticism can examine an art work through social, historical, political, aesthetic and philosophical processes and make it more understandable by supporting its judgement through personal feelings. Suut Kemal’s critical approach which is parallel to Spinoza’s (1632-1677) idea: “It’s not about contempt, it’s about understanding” as well as his role, works and activities undertaken as a person of culture will be examined together with the components of the culture of art criticism to determine the position of criticism in the art world.
Özsu, Arda Can
The Portrait Of Şeker Ahmed Ali Pasha At The National Art Gallery Collection In Greece And Simeon Savvidis, An Artist Of Anatolian Origin
This study deals with Şeker Ahmed Ali Pasha (1841-1907) who presents a multi-faceted cultural profile as an artist, art teacher, art consultant and exhibition organizer, the interpretation of his self-portrait by Simeon Savvidis (Sabbides) (1859-1927), a Greek artist of Anatolian origin, and the artistic production of the latter with Ottoman-Turkish influence. The purpose of the study is to show that Şeker Ahmed Ali Pasha, while shaping modern Turkish art, was also influential outside of the local sphere and to point out that there are also non-Muslim artists, who can be evaluated within modern Turkish art by taking into account the special nature of Savvidis, who kept organizing trips to Istanbul, Samsun, and his birthplace, Tokat, many years after his immigration from Anatolia. In addition to these, this paper examines the differences in style through the same portrait by two local artists - Şeker Ahmed Ali Paşa’s self-portrait and its interpretation by Simeon Savvidis, while at the same time comparing the School of Paris, where the Pasha was educated, and the Academy of Munich, where Savvidis went.
Research for the paper has focused on the artistic developments between Tanzimat through which the Ottoman Empire adopted innovation and modernization policies announced to the whole country (1839) and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, built on secular bases (1923). A literature survey was conducted to understand the sociological and anthropological background of the art circles. Apart from the publications on modern Turkish art as a source, museum catalogues, and trade annuities, information about Şeker Ahmed Ali Pasha and Simeon Savvidis included in national and international archives were examined. In the light of this information, the question of the two artists’ possible acquaintance during the period when Abdülaziz (1830-1876) asked the Pasha to create a collection of paintings in the palace is posed. However, it was not possible to confirm this information. These questions and problems brought about the originality of the subject of the study and the fact that it was the first research conducted on the uniqueness of the Pasha’s self-portrait.
The main discussion of the paper is to examine the transition period of modern Turkish art from empire to nation-state in a historical framework, to look at the subject from the point of view of the problems surrounding art like “representation“, ”identity“ and to try to clarify the role of Şeker Ahmed Ali Pasha in Ottoman-Turkish art. In this way, through a pioneering artistic figure like Şeker Ahmed Ali Pasha, the study aims to reveal the story of a Greek artist of Anatolian origin like Simeon Savvidis, which is about to disappear, within the framework of Turkish art, and to make it visible through artistic and scientific methods as a document as well as to pinpoint the problems. In addition to that, Savvidis’ importance in terms of his contributions to Turkish painting which was developed during the process of renovation of the Ottoman Empire will be examined. The paper also aims to look at an important artist of Ottoman painting, who is widely known and discussed, and who was the subject of many publications,theses and even symposiums such as Şeker Ahmed Ali Pasha through the eyes of Savvidis, who had a different ethnic and religious background but who shared the same culture (Anatolia). In addition to this, the emergence of Modern Turkish art as a synthesis of different nationalities such as Turkish, Greek, Armenian and Levantine, and their role in its cultural richness is going to be highlighted by the example of Savvidis. The Turkish influence in the works of the Greek painter is observed from his Turkish Bath, Turkish Woman, Turkish Woman with Coffee Time, Turkish Woman with Hookah, Turks Playing Backgammon, Excursion on the Bosphorus and Boats in the Bosphorus.
Paolo Giovio And The Representation Of The Turkish Power: Some Case Studies
This proposal aims to deepen Paolo Giovio’s idea of the Turkish world by means of an iconological commentary on some Ottoman portraits preserved in his historical Museo. Particularly, the analysis will take account of the word and image relationship on which Giovio based the Museo’s structure in order to understand the correct meaning of these images according to Giovio’s point of view. Linda Susan Klinger’s Ph.D. dissertation (Princeton University, 1991) represents an important contribution to the field. Her study contextualises Giovio’s collection and highlights its roots and evolution as well as representing an artistic, historical and critical research, which was later carried on by Sonia Maffei and Franco Minonzio’s works. Nevertheless, the focus on viri illustres’ portraits seems a partial one since it does not fully develop the real structure of the Museo: a combination of imprese – which represent characters’ soul – and portraits – which show characters’ features – governed by the word and image relationship. Her interest, as she claims in the dissertation’s conclusion, is in “the nature of portraiture as a type of visual image”, mainly focusing on the relationship between portraits and viewers and trying to identify Giovio’s role in the history of the art collection.
Even in the more recent Ph.D. dissertation by Nassim Rossi (Columbia University, 2013) we can find an artistic interest in these portraits, especially in Veronese’s production, whose purpose appears to be a figurative comparison among different copies. The first objective of my proposal is to apply the mechanism promoted by Giovio to analyse the portraits of Ottoman Sultans. Some case studies will be presented according to a philological methodology focused on textual sources used by Giovio to create these written elogia. The portraits will be put in connection with two of his texts, the Commentario de le cose de’ Turchi and the Elogia, which Giovio composed as a ἔκφρασις: the aim will be to identify the physiognomic sources, taking into consideration Giovio’s education. He was a medical doctor, he studied in Pavia and Padua with prominent academics – such as Marcantonio della Torre – at a time when medicine also included the practice of physiognomy. Why would Giovio consider one character a kind and generous person and another an evil and cruel one?
Moreover, Florentine copies, preserved at the Uffizi Galleries of Florence and part of the collection known as Gioviana Series, serve as an interesting figurative example of the elogia because they show some particular astrological signs on the back. These signs were discovered in 1993 by Stefano Tasselli and constitute the subject of a first essay written by Stefano Tasselli and Valentina Conticelli, including their transcript, in a catalogue of an exhibition in 2010. They raise the problem of the connection between medicine, physiognomy, and astrology during the Renaissance. What astrological signs have been chosen to describe the Turkish power?
Subsequently, the analysis will include comparisons between Ottoman and Persian portraits: as it is suggested by Giampiero Bellingeri’s studies, Venetian sources appear to describe Ottoman portraits by means of contrastive comparisons with Persian ones, it would then be interesting to understand whether similar stances exist in Giovio’s work. In this case, Giovio’s words would authenticate the painted image and contribute to construe the representational profile of Islamic power.
The Topkapi Palace Portrayed In Sixteenthcentury Ottoman Illustrated Manuscripts: Between Imperial Ideology And Pictorial And Architectural Models
When the architectural monuments in Kostantiniyya’s Atmeydanı, which were pictured as part of a rather uniform scaenae-frons-like background in the repetitive scenes of processions are discounted, the Topkapı Palace was the most frequently portrayed actual structure in 16th-century Ottoman illustrated historical manuscripts. Such a pictorial representation of the actual imperial palace was unprecedented in Islamic manuscript tradition. The Topkapı Palace was also repeatedly depicted with a great measure of accuracy, considering the standards of contemporary Ottoman painting. This paper argues that this phenomenon resulted from a unique and intricately developing interplay between pictorial and architectural models, and imperial ideologies. Thus, using the paramount case of the visual representation of the Topkapı Palace in the 16th-century Ottoman illustrated manuscripts, this paper aims to illustrate the intricate historical reality of the transcultural and cross-media artistic exchange within the framework of the historical-ideological background of the early-modern Ottoman Empire.
While considering the pictorial representation of architecture, two basic approaches to the subject are prevalent. The first one uses architectural depictions as a primary source, through a research concerned primarily with the issue of architectural and urban history. The other holds the perspective of book painting history itself, and this is the approach employed throughout this paper. The primary research question, therefore, is: What do the portrayals of the Topkapı Palace tell us about 16th-century Ottoman book painting?
This paper addresses the following questions: What were the significance and functions of the pictorial representations of the Topkapı Palace at various points in time? To what extent did the book illustrations reflect the actual architectural elements and decorative features and their shifts through time (i.e. to what extent can a formal mimesis be considered as accurate in picturing actual buildings and undergoing stylistic shifts)? How did the portrayals of the Topkapı Palace contribute to the formation of the royal and imperial image, and to the communication of this image?
To answer these questions this paper juxtaposes the illustrations of particular venues and buildings within the palatial complex, and compares them not only with one another and with actual structures, but also with additional contemporary textual and visual sources, in order to trace their 16th-century appearances when layers of palimpsest were already present. Bearing these broader questions in mind, many specific issues arise, such as: the visual translation of the ceremonial role and the spatial hierarchy of the Topkapı Palace into the medium of painting; the conception of space (e.g. the notions of separation, transfer, enclosure, continuum and extension of the Sultan’s body as an expression of kingship); the impact of the shifts in the Sultan’s lifestyle (from joining campaigns to being settled in the Palace) and manuscript patronage (from royal patronage to the participation of the bureaucratic-military class and household servants) on the portrayals of the Topkapı Palace; the employment of pictorial templates and short-cuts; and finally, the broader consequences resulting from the above-mentioned issues for the Ottoman visual idiom and aesthetics.
A Talismanic Tunic With Images Of Mecca And Medina
The subject of this paper is a cotton shirt (Ar. qamīṣ, Pr. jāma) in a private collection that features inscribed verses from the Qur’an, the ninety-nine names of God, supplicatory prayers, and magic formulae along with gilded depictions of Mecca and Medina. It belongs to a corpus of talismanic tunics produced from at least the 15th to the 19th centuries for military elites across the Islamic world (Savage-Smith 1997, Anetshofer 2018). This previously unpublished object is remarkable for a number of reasons. While certain devices in its decorative scheme bear striking resemblance to those found on shirts from the Ottoman treasury, there are stylistic indications to show that this shirt was probably produced in northern India around the 17th century. As such, it compels us to reassess the presumed geography of production of Islamic talismanic tunics. The growing scholarship on these shirts recognizes two radically distinct models: one characterized by a preponderance of Quranic text, as in the Indian shirts (Brac de la Perrière 2009, Muravchik 2017), and the other by a predominance of magic squares and prayers, as in the imperial Ottoman shirts (Tezcan 2006, 2011). One objective of this study is thus to question the prevailing taxonomy by drawing attention to the emergence of a new vocabulary in the South Asian repertoire through linkages with the wider Islamic world.
Another objective is to make sense of the system of efficacy encoded in the shirt through talismanic texts inscribed in a variety of powerful formats including scrolls, seals, squares, and grids, which are arranged as if they were small moveable parts fitted together. The conception and production of this garment thus partakes of the modalities of written manuscripts, tailored textiles and forged armor (cf. Alexander 2015). In likening cotton fabric to metallic armor, my intention is to take seriously the mechanics of efficacy claimed by its constructive devices, which were attributed specific properties and qualities in scientific treatises on lettrism (ʿilm al-ḥurūf), magic squares (ʿilm al-awfāq), and talismans (ʿilm al-ṭalāsim). The most intriguing elements in this graphic instantiation of mechanical equipment are the images of Mecca and Medina, placed prominently on the pectoral zone and charged with an amuletic aura. The anatomical alignment of the two holiest sanctuaries gestures toward a range of bodily practices associated with pilgrimage in Islam that sought to ensure protection, well-being and success in an individual’s undertaking. As such, the shirt under study provides insight into the sartorial strategies used for materially mediating the power of pilgrimage places in faraway regions, at a time when the Hijaz had become increasingly implicated in the politics of piety in the Indian Ocean world with the Portuguese arrival and Ottoman ascendancy (Alam and Subrahmanyam 2017, Burak 2017). 16th-century Ottoman ventures in the Indian Ocean coincide with the growing frequency of depictions of Mecca and Medina in pilgrimage guides, certificates, prayer books, and ceramics which assume special significance for this study.
Finally, I shall situate the shirt from the Khalili collection within a broader history of Anatolian-Indian interactions in order to consider the circulation of talismanic technology alongside the long-distance movement of textiles and munitions, merchants and mercenaries (İnalcık 1960, Petrović 2012). It is hoped that this contribution will foster further research into such entanglements of media, geographies, and practices between Rūm and Hind long bracketed by disparate discourses.
Sinan's Other Patrons
Studies on Sinan’s legacy focus on his domed mosques and neglect his modest religious monuments containing a hipped roof. This paper aims to have a better understanding of hipped roof masjids designed by Sinan in the 16th century in Istanbul. Both of Sinan’s autobiographic texts Tuḥfetü’l-Mi’mārīn and Teẕkiretü’l-Ebniye list the architect’s architectural and engineering projects in typological order including their patrons and locations. These texts list forty-five masjids constructed by Sinan, all with alternating courses of stone and brick walls, an entrance portico, a wooden hipped roof with terracotta tiles, and two tiers of windows. These masjids remain obscure in the paucity of wakfiyyas and building inscriptions. Besides, many of these masjids received aggressive interventions during the second half of the 20th century; however, seven of these monuments preserve their 16th-century architectural features and help us understand what the rest of the corpus could have looked like. Almost one-third of these hipped roof masjids were erected in the extramural neighbourhoods of Istanbul while a considerable number of intramural ones were concentrated in Fatih-Yenibahçe. The patrons of these buildings came from diverse backgrounds, yet almost half of them were either the attendants of the inner imperial palace or religious and elite figures. This paper examines Sinan’s hipped roof masjids in Istanbul and suggests that these buildings were erected in densely urbanized or extramural neighbourhoods to facilitate everyday life and to consolidate the Ottoman image of the city. By using methods of building archaeology and multiple archival photographs, these particular hipped roof monuments, which partly lost their authenticity and were altered beyond recognition will be discussed in connection with their architecture and the hierarchical nature of architectural patronage. By using archival photographs, the paper will lastly introduce a hypothetical reconstruction of the Eski Sarāy pāzārbaşısı Memī Ketḫüdā mescidi/Bāzārbaşı Memī Ketḫüẕā Mescidi in Tophane, which was burnt down in a tragic fire in 1870 and heavily destroyed before it was rebuilt as a concrete masjid with a central inner dome in 1959.
Şehzâde Mehmed Tomb Tiles In The Light Of Current Information
Şehzâde Mehmed complex was built by Mimar Sinan to incorporate the tomb of Sultan Süleyman I’s son, who had died while he was a provincial governor. The tomb, which was the reason the sultan had this classical Ottoman period complex built, displays Mimar Sinan’s competence as an architect.
Although the tomb does not comprise architectural innovations, its decorative program, which uses old and new elements together, became a model for later tomb decoration. From the diverse elements of decoration from the Quranic verses and the hadith chosen for the inscriptions, to the tiles, stonework, painted, metal and stucco decorations, the entire program must have been designed as a whole.
The interior walls are totally covered by tiles from the floor up to the drum of the dome, while the exterior of the tomb has symmetrically designed polychrome glazed tiles on either side of the entrance portal. In addition to the intensity of the interior tile decoration of the tomb, the column and arch shaped arrangement on the surfaces of the lower-level tile panels of the facades are seen for the first time in this tomb. The tile panels in the polychrome glaze technique repeat the same pattern, except for the three symmetrical panels, in the interior on either side of the portal. The motifs used in the panels are similar to those seen in the early period structures, but they are now in a more naturalistic style, heralding the realistic style that developed in the later buildings. In addition, the tulip motif on the panels above the windows of the tomb is unique for its period.
This paper evaluates the tiles in polychrome glaze technique in terms of their colors, motifs, compositional and technical properties and discusses the identity of the possible master responsible for the tiles as well as their place of production. Since recent research and in situ survey of the tiles indicate that they had undergone several repair works, the present study will utilize the photographs of the tomb from earlier publications to determine and point out the inconsistencies that may have appeared after these repairs.
Monumentality And Infrastructure: A Hamidian Fountain In Ottoman Ankara
This paper explores the context of construction of the Hamidian fountain (Hamidiye çeşmesi) in the Balık Pazarı district of Ankara. The fountain, which is partially lost, was one of the monuments built by the local governor (vali) Abidin Pasha to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876-1908). By combining archival sources, newspaper articles, and photographs, my aim is to map out the historical and architectural background that motivated the construction of a water fountain which, despite its unimposing size, was fully integrated in the Hamidian monumental program and printed propaganda. I argue that the Baugeschichte of the Balık Pazarı fountain exemplifies how urban infrastructures were transformed into monumental epitomes of the Hamidian regime, showcasing the sultan’s care for modernity and beneficence.
Until recent years, the history of Ankara in the late Ottoman period had been overshadowed by the narratives of the Republican creation of a capital city following the latest architectural trends. Studies such as Bozdoğan (2001) and Basa (2015) have contributed to renewing the interest on the continuities between the late Ottoman and Republican periods in the history of the development of Ankara. However, much is still to be written on how the city participated in the fin-de-siècle modernization of urban infrastructures and in the construction of monumental buildings such as clock towers, schools, and barracks. In this respect, the work of Köksal (2002) has aptly encouraged us to reconsider the local notables in the Tanzimat period as agents of local urban development, rather than obstacles to it.
The work of Acun (1994) has provided a first inventory of clock towers built in Anatolia in the late Ottoman period, and the data he collected evidence the strong involvement of governors in the creation of celebratory architecture. On the other hand, Erkmen (2010) has built upon Pierre Nora’s lieux de mémoire to study the way monumental buildings were integrated in the construction of public memory, along with jubilees and archives. Nonetheless, local histories of Ankara such as Süslü et al. (1998) have failed to properly contextualize the lesser-known sources on the late Ottoman city within an empire-wide history of modernization and architectural propaganda, which predates the better documented Republican era.
This paper aims at addressing this gap by studying the water supply of the city from the microhistory angle of an architectural landmark of Hamidian Ankara. I analyze a particular moment in the building history of the city, emphasizing how, thanks to the agency of a local governor, Ankara was provided with a new water system and at the same time became part of a monumentality program that involved the Ottoman domains at large.
Text And Image In The Divan Of Baki: An Illustrated Manuscript From The Seventeenth Century (British Library, Add. 7922)
This study analyses the relationship between the miniatures in the Divan of Baki (British Library, Add. 7922) and its text. The manuscript features the Turkish anthology of the Ottoman poet Baki (d. 1600) with Safavid miniatures. The connection between the text and the images is one that reflects the well-established tradition of the illustration of non-narrative books in Safavid Iran. The miniatures are clearly associated with the poems against which they are juxtaposed. There is an analogy between each image and the poem immediately next to it in terms of themes. These themes can be categorized as (a) courtly scenes, (b) entertainment of youths, (c) youth and older man, and (d) a reference to the story of Yusuf and Zuleyha.
There are five illustrated copies of Baki’s Divan in various libraries. In addition to the one studied here (Add. 7922) there is a late-16th century Ottoman copy also in the British Library (Or. 7084). Other copies include one in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in Paris (Suppl. turc 356), one in Harvard Art Museums (1985.273), and one in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Art (T. 1959). Additionally, there are three single folio paintings from the same illustrated Baki manuscript. Two of these are in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (45.174.5, and 25.83.9), and one in RISD Museum (17.459). Among these five manuscripts, the only one that was produced outside of an Ottoman environment is Add. 7922.
This paper will not only study the miniatures but also examine the poetry and the paintings juxtaposed in the manuscript to identify how they relate to each other. While it agrees with the statement that the program of the miniatures are different from that of the illustration of a narrative, it further questions the patterns of illustration. The analysis yields the conclusion that the illustrated Divan of Baki, completed in 1636, reflects the established tradition of illustrating non-narrative texts in the arts of the book, and displays the tastes of the seventeenth century in Safavid painting. The common themes of courtly gatherings, youths entertaining outdoors, an older man and a youth, and allusions to Quranic stories are often seen in other manuscripts of the period as well as in the Divan of Baki. The connection of these established themes with the themes of the poetry they immediately illustrate attests to the dialogue between text and image.