ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
TONGHINI Cristina

The Tell Zeyd site is located in the high Transtigrian plains of the province of Dohuk. Overlooking  Wadi Gawasha, Tell Zeyd features a tell and a lower mound, evidence of a long history of occupation that started in the Late Chalcolithic and continued until the early decades of the 20th century.

The Zeyd Archaeological Project (ZAP) was launched by the Ca’ Foscari University of Venice in cooperation with the Dohuk Directorate of Antiquities and Heritage in 2022. This research aims at studying the economy and the society of the agricultural hinterland of the historical province of Mosul (today province of Dohuk, area of Semel) in the so-called ‘Islamic period,’ from the advent of Islam (7th c.) until the fall of the Ottoman Empire (early 20th c.). This area played a strategic role in the supply of agricultural products, primarily cereals, for the Iraqi region, and Tell Zeyd constitutes an excellent example of this activity. The remains of a watermill in the eastern part of the site confirms its function in the processing and distribution of cereals.

The archaeological evidence emerging through excavations at Tell Zeyd is shedding light on the village and the daily life of its inhabitants; study of the botanical remains shows which crops were being cultivated or used and analysis of the archaeozoological remains provides data on farming and diet practices. A unique workshop for the production of smoking pipes has been found through excavation: active between the 17th and the late 19th c., its products were distributed across the whole region.

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General view of the site, from the North-West

Summary rapport

In 2024, two field seasons were carried out, aimed at continuation of the excavation at Tell Zeyd (autumn) and at study of the finds (spring and autumn).

The autumn season made it possible to complete the excavation of the Ottoman phases, reaching the Middle Islamic phases throughout Area 1. The depth of the archaeological deposit pertaining to the Ottoman phases is 2.2 metres in Area 1: such a large volume was totally unexpected, and provided a large, unique corpus of data for the 16th-early 20th c. period. Precise dating for the various phases will be available on completion of the ongoing C14 analysis.

The watermill in the eastern part of the site was also excavated in the autumn (Area 2); the evidence that came to light indicates that the mill may have been founded in the Early or Middle Islamic period (C14 analyses are currently in progress), and that it underwent a major restoration at the end of the 19th century. Once in working order, the mill appears to have been run by a Christian miller (oral history).

Study of the finds and the establishment of a pottery typology is shedding light on the material culture of the whole Ottoman period, which so far has been very poorly understood. Archaeo-botanic analysis of the 2024 samples is still in progress; results will make it possible to obtain data on the crops cultivated in the area in and prior to the Early Ottoman period.  

Study of the faunal remains has provided evidence on husbandry practices and diet during the Ottoman period; this, combined with the information derived from the written texts, facilitates a better understanding of the economy and the society that once inhabited the village.

Detailed report

In 2024, two seasons of fieldwork were carried out, one in the spring (April 18-May 13), the other in the autumn (August 31- October 30). Excavation started on September 7 and ended on October 17 (6 weeks).

The spring season focused on study of the finds that came to light in the 2023 excavations; it also included some survey activities to complete the mapping of the sites and to acquire comparative material. The autumn season saw the continuation of the excavation and of the study of the finds. For the first time, a geophysics survey was carried out. Anthropological and historical research was also conducted, especially with regard to local communities, the better to understand traditional agricultural, production and consumption practices.

In 2024, the Italian team included 17 members: archaeologists (Cristina Tonghini, director; Jacopo Boschini, field director; Stefano Palalidis and Sara Franceschin, field supervisors), archaeology students (Giulia Brandoni, Lucrezia Gobbo, Francesco Pozzato, Lucia Zebochin), a ceramic specialist (Mette Thuesen), an architect (Enrico Reali), specialists in geophysics (University of Padua: Rita Deiana, Mirko Pavoni, Matteo Censini), archaeozoologists (Sapienza University of Rome: Claudia Minniti, Younes Naime), a PhD student in history (Sebastiano Siviero), and an anthropologist (Francesco Vacchiano). Liwa al-Hashimi joined the team as a draughtsman in the spring (as well as in the) and autumn seasons.

Two members of the Directorate of Antiquities of Dohuk – Tahsin Ahmad and Walat Ayub –  worked jointly with the Italian team on excavation of the site:. The excavation was carried out with the help of 12 workers from the neighbouring villages: Sliman Habib, Saud Antar, Hawar Ahmad, Muhammad Ahmad, Zakariya Mohammad, Ayyub Mohammad, Omar Jama', Serbist Nazar, Husin Antar, Farman Hido, Abdallah Mohammad and Jiwar Ahmad; Sharhan Antar served as site guard for the duration of the field operations.

Daily transportation from Dohuk to the site was ensured by Ali Saleh and Hamodi Dhahi. Hamodi Dhahi also arrangd travel for the members of the team within Kurdistan and assisted with general logistics. Salim Hashem and Salam Hashem worked on washing the finds. Husayn Ramadan and his team contributed to the project with the installation of 2 further benchmarks at the site. Meals for the team were ensured daily by Jalil Ibrahim.

EXCAVATIONS

Excavation continued in Area 1, already explored in seasons 2022 and 2023, to investigate the earlier deposits; a new area, Area 2, was opened to study the watermill identified in the east  of the tell.

In Area 1, a number of phases (Phases 1-14, Fig. 1) came to light with the 2022 and 2023 excavations; these phases were interpreted in relation to 4 main Periods, revealing a sequence of occupation that can be summarised as follows:

- Period A: contemporary agricultural activities.

- Period B: end 19th-early 20th centuries. The evidence is partly disturbed by contemporary activities, but it can be associated with domestic contexts related to a settled community.

- Period C: late 18th-19th centuries. The evidence pertains to the production activities of the village, and consists in the remains of a bakery that was producing bread for the market and of a workshop for the production of smoking pipes.

- Period D: 17th-18th centuries. The evidence mainly relates to the activities of a nomadic population that regularly stationed at the site; a number of phases pertaining to this period can, however, be related to the activities of a settled population, including some production activities.

Dating evidence for these Periods is based on contextual data, such as pottery and smoking pipes; although the Zeyd research project is carrying out a re-assessment of the chronology of smoking pipes, some benchmarks of this production can be used as reliable dating elements. At the same time, although the pottery for the Ottoman period is virtually unknown – and indeed, one of the aims of the project is to establish a typology of reference – some glazed wares, probably imports, can also provide basic chronological data.

The deepening of the excavation of Area 1 led to the identification of further phases (15-22, Fig. 1) and made it possible to improve understanding of phases such as Phases 13 and 14, that had already been intercepted in the past.

Phases 15-17 show similarities with those ascribed to Period D, and may thus be ascribed to the nomadic frequentation of the site; as was the case with the other phases of this period, some of the features that came to light may instead be related to the activities of a settled population.

An Early Ottoman period of occupation can be related to Phases 18-21 (Period E, Figs 2-4); evidence for production activities was brought to light, including one associated with metalwork and another with the processing of bitumen (Figs 2-4). This discovery is extremely important for the history of the material culture in the area, and it constitutes a unique occurrence identified on an archaeological basis; moreover, such production was unexpected in a rural context. A systematic sampling of metal slag - envisaged in the near future - will hopefully provide information about this metalwork production; analysis of the bitumen residues may equally offer evidence about the transformation of natural oil, from its source to its usage in this period; study of the structures associated with these Phases will offer data on building techniques and materials for a period that is poorly documented from an archaeological point of view.

Below these Phases, a massive deposit of abandonment is gradually emerging. A preliminary assessment of the pottery finds seems to point to the Middle Islamic period. Continuation of the excavation in the near future will therefore make it possible to shed new light on the pre-Ottoman occupation of the site.

The excavation in Area 2 aimed at collecting evidence on the milling installation identified at the edge of the village, overlooking the wadi. The identification of the remains of a watermill is one of the elements that led to the selection of this site as an ideal observatory on the ruralscape of the Islamic period. Indeed, in the region, this constitutes one of the rare cases of a watermill clearly associated to a specific settlement site; in fact, the remains of watermills are generally found in isolation along the wadis, far from settlements.

The aim of this excavation was to expose the entire structure in order to acquire elements that can contribute to the composition of its building history and use.

The position of the watermill, downhill from the tell, caused massive colluvial deposits to cover its remains, a process that may have characterised the depositional sequence in the various periods of abandonment. Therefore, although finds were abundant, in most cases they can be interpreted as residual material washed down from the tell; consequently, they cannot be employed to date the watermill, as they reflect the main and much earlier occupation of the tell itself.

The excavation made it possible to identify two main Periods, the earliest related to the foundation and early use of the watermill, the second pertaining to a more recent refurbishment and re-use of this installation.

It is not yet possible to establish a date for the foundation of the mill; the building typology is similar to types identified elsewhere in the Dohuk province and preliminarily associated with the Early and Middle Islamic periods; samples of mortar from the earliest part of the structure are at present being analysed in the University of Padua laboratory and will hopefully provide C14 absolute dating. Of this early period, only the drop-tower survives, together with portions of the channel that serves to evacuate the water from it; the cutting of the bedrock for this channel, and the preparation of the floor related to it on both banks, cut into the bedrock, may have been carried out in this period. No other elements pertaining to the mill of this period have survived. After a presumably long period of abandonment, the drop-tower was put into use once again. The accumulation of soil that then surrounded the structure was not removed, but the mill was re-built cutting into this deposit to create a partially underground space. The western, southern and northern boundary walls of this space were built against the soil deposit, and only the eastern wall was free-standing. At this time the drop-tower must still have been in relatively good enough condition to be re-used, while major restoration work was required on the masonry of the sides of the channel and its eastern exit.

Some finds pertaining to this last phase came to light, including smoking pipes of the late 19th-early 20th century. Oral interviews conducted by S. Siviero seem to confirm this dating, and make it possible to associate the milling activities to a Christian community.

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Fig. 1. Area 1: Matrix

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Fig. 2. Orthomosaic of Area 1 at Tell Zeyd illustrating Period E and a sounding trench opened in the south-eastern sector illustrating Period F (17/10/2024)

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Fig. 3. Large clay oven or furnace (T19), Period E.

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Fig. 4. Structure S2, related to production activities

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Fig. 5: Orthomosaic of the Western section of Area 2, with the drop-tower of the Early Islamic/Middle Islamic period (SU 2012).

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Fig. 6. Pebble floor (SU 2004) pertaining to the period of re-use of the mill.

THE FINDS

All finds from the 2024 excavation have been processed, registered and photographed.

In-depth studies have been conducted on the pottery, so poorly understood in the area because of the lack of archaeological research on the Islamic period. As mentioned earlier, the establishment of a reference typology for the Islamic period is one of the objectives of the Tell Zeyd Project.

Other specialistic studies concerned clay pipes and glass bangles.

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Fig. 7. Damascus ware, 16th century (from Period E).

THE STUDY OF THE FAUNAL REMAINS

During the 2024 season, two specialists from the Sapienza University of Rome (C. Minniti and Y. Naime) studied the faunal remains from the 2022 and 2023 seasons. Results illustrate a rich assemblage of domestic and wild animals and provide evidence on husbandry practices and diet for the Ottoman period as excavated so far. This study can be regarded as a major achievement, since the Ottoman period is extremely under-represented in the archaeological record and often overlooked by field research, despite the importance of improving our understanding of the long Islamic period and completing our knowledge of it.

As shown in the Table and Graphic below, the basis of the animal economy in the three main periods studied so far (B-D) was the husbandry of sheep and goats, and above all, humped and hornless cattle.  Sheep, goats and cattle were mainly kept for meat production and secondarily for milk, wool and draught purposes. The importance of chicken in the diet is also attested by the presence of a quantity of remains; eggs as well as poultry meat were certainly consumed, as documented by the discovery of eggshell fragments and the identification of hen bones. The hunting of gazelle and the exploitation of the wadi close to the settlement also provided alternative food, but to a lesser extent. The presence of a few fox remains probably derives from the exploitation of the fur or from measures to protect the poultry.

Tableau1

Image9ARCHAEOBOTANY

Samples to be processed through flotation were collected from relevant Stratigraphic Units; flotation produced 72 samples that were exported to Italy. These are currently being    analysed in the laboratory of the Ca’ Foscari University in Venice and will hopefully provide an exhaustive picture of plants grown, processed and consumed in the village.

A selection of seeds is currently being analysed to determine absolute chronology with C14 methods.

GEOPHYSICAL SURVEY

A team from the University of Padua carried out a geophysical survey to acquire new data in the subsurface of the archaeological site up to a depth of about 1.5 m below the current ground level. Given the geological and archaeological contexts, it was decided to map the area of interest using two different non-invasive measurement techniques. In one case, electromagnetic measurements in the frequency domain (FDEM) highlight the presence of contrasts related to the electrical conductivity of materials (e.g. metals); in the other, magnetic field gradient measurements, aim at the search for structures associated with the use of fire (e.g. furnaces), generally characterized by a pronounced magnetic behaviour. Data will form the basis for future planning of targeted excavation activities, especially for identifying other production features that involve the use of fire.

HISTORICAL AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

To recompose the most recent history of the site, interviews were conducted by the historian of the team together with the representative of the Iraqi Antiquities and Museums, and the project’s anthropologist.

Better understanding of cultivation, production and consumption methods is also pursued by documenting traditional practices through anthropological investigations; this includes recording at ethnographic museums in the area. This documentation will improve our understanding of the economy and the society of Tell Zeyd in the past.

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Fig. 8. Al-Qosh Ethnographic Museum: lighting a smoking pipe with traditional tools.

 

 

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
VIGOUROUX Elodie

Introduction

Le programme Harmhajj (histoire et archéologie de la route médiévale du hajj), amorcé en 2022, est soutenu par l’Agence nationale pour la recherche, l’Université Lumière-Lyon 2, l’Institut français du Proche-Orient, la commission des fouilles du ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères français, la Fondation Max van Berchem ainsi que par le Ciham et le Cnrs. Ce programme est fondé sur l’étude du site médiéval de Khirbat al-Dūsaq dans le sud de la Jordanie, ensemble architectural fondé au XIIIe siècle par le sultan de Damas al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā, sur la route dite « syrienne » du pèlerinage à La Mecque.

Le site s’élève à 5km à l’est de la forteresse de Shawbak, il est constitué de trois bâtiments (A, B, C) partiellement conservés en élévation, organisés en L autour d’une cour fermée à l’origine par une enceinte, aujourd’hui arasée (fig. 1). Sur son côté nord, l’un des trois bâtiments est construit au flanc d’un escarpement rocheux et abritait un hammam.

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Figure 1 : Plan général du site de Khirbat al-Dūsaq [Mission Dusaq/Ch. March-R. Elter]

Aujourd’hui, parallèlement à la fouille, à l’étude des sources textuelles et à la consolidation des vestiges de ce complexe doté d’un bain luxueux, nous conduisons des prospections archéologiques et géomorphologiques. Le but est, d’une part, d’identifier les modes d’acquisition d’eau sur le site et d’autre part, de reconnaître les possibles points d’eau accessibles aux caravanes dans la région afin de reconstituer des itinéraires anciens.

Le début de notre présence sur le terrain s’est trouvé décalé par la fermeture de l’espace aérien de la Jordanie le 14 avril, empêchant certains membres de la mission d’arriver à Amman dans les temps. La prospection s’est donc déroulée 20 au 28 avril, elle a couvert la zone comprise entre Khirbat al-Dūsaq et Gharandal au nord, zone fixée par le permis délivré par le Département des Antiquités de Jordanie. Sur le terrain, l'étude s'est appuyée sur des observations et des relevés réalisés par une équipe constituée de Pr. Laurent Lespez (Université Paris-Est/Laboratoire de Géographie Physique (LGP)), de Jules Jacquemet (doctorant Université Lyon 2/Ciham, projet Harmhajj), Dr. Julie Monchamp (chercheure contractuelle, CNRS-Ciham) et Miraj al-Khasba (Département des Antiquités de Jordanie)[1], sous la direction d’Elodie Vigouroux (Pr. Junior-Université Lumière-Lyon 2/Ciham).

L’origine de l’eau à Khirbat al-Dūsaq

Le contexte topographique, géographique et géologique de Khirbat al-Dūsaq avait commencé à être analysé lors d’une première prospection localisée en 2023 menée par Dr. Maël Crépy (géomophologue, Cnrs-Hisoma). Le site s’élève à plus de 1200 m d’altitude, au sommet d’un plateau, sur les contreforts de la chaîne de montagnes (Jabal al-Sharāt) qui s'étend du nord au sud, à l’est du Wādī ʿAraba. Ce relief constitue une barrière topographique significative, bloquant les masses d'air humide venant de la Méditerranée. L'ouest et le sommet de la chaîne reçoivent entre 150 et 300 mm de précipitations annuelles moyennes, tandis que l'est en reçoit entre 150 et 50 mm. L'évaporation potentielle est plus de 10 fois supérieure aux précipitations dans la majeure partie de la région. Le climat est aride, et les pluies, généralement hivernales, se manifestent souvent sous forme d'orages potentiellement érosifs [Suleiman & Al Bakri 2011].

Image2Figure 2 : Extrait de la vidéo de proposition de restitution 3D de l’ensemble de Khirbat al-Dūsaq, īwān et bassin, fortin et hammam [Mission Dusaq/Maxime Santiago 2021] 

Voir la vidéo

 

L’une des questions centrales de notre projet est celle des ressources en eau nécessaires à la fréquentation et au fonctionnement du complexe de Khirbat al-Dūsaq, station du hajj dotée d’un hammam (fig. 1 et 2) et d’un bassin d’agrément [Vigouroux 2015, Vigouroux & Elter 2019]. Aucune source fonctionnelle, à proximité immédiate, n’a jusqu’alors été identifiée. Il était donc important de parvenir à cataloguer les modes acquisition de l’eau et les aménagements qui y sont liés dans la région, à des endroits présentant un faciès comparable à celui du site.

D’après la carte géomorphologique (réalisée par le ministère de l’Énergie et des Ressources Minières jordanien en 1988), la région de Khirbat al-Dūsaq bénéficie de circulations d’eau souterraines en raison d’un contexte hydrogéologique favorable. Sur le plateau sur lequel s’élève Khirbat al-Dūsaq, on trouve directement sous les dépôts de sédiments meubles une couche de croute carbonatée (fig. 3) d’épaisseur variable (de quelques dizaines de centimètres à deux mètres) en fonction des secteurs. Selon les observations de Maël Crépy, l’érosion par l’eau en tranchant à la fois la couche imperméable du dessus et les couches perméables d’alluvions a permis la formation d’écoulement, y compris, à une période indéterminée, à la base de la corniche formant une coupe dans la croûte carbonatée située immédiatement sous les installations du site, par conséquent durant certaines périodes favorables, des sources auraient pu être actives à cet endroit.

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Figure 3 : Croûte carbonatée visible du côté de l’escarpement rocheux à Khirbat al-Dūsaq

[Mission Dūsaq/M. Crépy]

Lors de la prospection menée par Maël Crépy en 2023 et celle conduite par Jules Jacquemet et Laurent Lespez en 2024, plusieurs points d’eau encore fonctionnels ont été identifiés, le plus proche à environ 2 km à vol d’oiseau au nord du site au-delà du Wādī Nijil. Si l’eau de cette source de fond de vallée (fig. 6, pt. 22-24) était exploitée pendant l’occupation du complexe, en des temps où l’eau n’était disponible immédiatement sur le site, cela impliquait l’existence d’aménagements entre la source et le complexe. Une route empierrée descendant du plateau à la source est encore reconnaissable de nos jours. Elle semble avoir été construite selon les mêmes techniques que les segments de voies romaines conservés dans la région, mais présente une largeur moindre vraisemblablement du fait de la topographie. Le degré d’érosion de la route lorsqu’elle coupe les différents wadis suggère une datation ancienne.

Enfin, des puits creusés dans la dalle ont aussi été identifiés dans la région en 2023 et 2024 car en traversant la couche carbonatée, il est relativement aisé d’accéder aux ressources en eau sous-jacentes circulant dans les alluvions (fig. 4). En tenant compte de l'inventaire des types de ressources possibles, il est donc envisageable de concevoir une gestion de l'eau reposant sur une combinaison des différents types de captation.

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Figure 4: Puits creusé dans la dalle calcaire au sud du site [Mission Dusaq/J. Jacquemet]

Les routes anciennes autour du site et leurs points d’eau

La caravane du pèlerinage venant de Damas, composée de milliers de personnes devait pouvoir reconstituer ses réserves et abreuver les montures. Dans les premiers siècles de l’Islam, c’est logiquement que la caravane du hajj empruntait la voie romaine reliant Bosra dans le sud de la Syrie actuelle, à Aqaba sur la mer Rouge, aménagée au début du iie siècle par l’empereur Trajan qui lui a laissé son nom de Via Nova Traiana. Puis, a à partir de 1115, la présence des croisés dans les forteresses de Karak et Shawbak proche de cette route, avait conduit à modifier l’itinéraire pour éviter les attaques et le rançonnement des caravanes et ce jusqu’à la chute de ces deux châteaux en 1189 sous les coups de Saladin. Le site Khirbat al-Dūsaq fondé par le neveu de Saladin [Imbert & Vigouroux 2020] matérialiserait le retour de la caravane du hajj sur son ancien itinéraire, celui de la voie romaine, longeant les villages et dotée de points d’eau.

Notre projet vise à identifier les différentes routes possiblement empruntées par d’importantes caravanes, telles celle du hajj dans la région, avant, pendant et après l’occupation croisée. Une caravane pouvait parcourir environ 30 km par jour, la route Damas‐La Mecque (1700km) était donc rythmée par plus de cinquante stations de types variés, allant d’une simple aire de repos, à la ville‐étape permettant un ravitaillement complet. Au cours de la période médiévale il existait donc, entre les deux grandes stations connues par les sources textuelles, Karak au nord et Maʿān au sud, séparées par 120 km, des étapes, parmi lesquelles Khirbat al-Dūsaq et d’autres, encore non identifiées, au nord et au sud de cette dernière. La prospection que nous avons entamée cherche donc à définir d’une part, les possibles liens entre Khirbat al-Dūsaq et les axes antiques, d’autre part, à identifier les différents itinéraires de cette route et les infrastructures qui leur étaient associées.

La partie de la Via Nova Traiana traversant la région dans laquelle s’élève Khirbat al-Dūsaq a fait l’objet de plusieurs études centrées sur la période antique [Graf 1995 et 1996 ; Findlater 2004, Abudanah, al-Shqiarat, Tarawneh 2020 et application MEGA Jordan] http://www.megajordan.org/]. C’est à partir de ces recherches que nous avons établi le programme de la phase initiale de la prospection afin de documenter les principaux tronçons visibles et les installations d’acquisition et d’adduction d’eau qui les bordent et d’effectuer un ramassage de matériel céramique en vue d’en éclairer la fréquentation et de tenter d’affiner les datations. Nous avons donc exploré le tronçon le plus proche de Khirbat al-Dūsaq. La voie romaine est particulièrement visible à certains endroits. D’une largeur de 5,60 mètres environ, elle est composée de trois lignes principales de pierres : deux marquant les bords de la route et une au centre. Nous avons identifié un possible départ de route dans la direction du site mais l’on perd rapidement sa trace.

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Figure 6 : Parcours de l’équipe de prospection [Mission Dusaq/J. Jacquemet]

Nous avons pu retrouver d’autres segments de la route romaine vers le nord, elle est reconnaissable en plusieurs points et s’accompagne parfois de vestiges de constructions antiques repérés par les prospections anciennes et les photos satellites. Le principale voie adopte souvent le tracé de la route moderne et se perd dans l’urbanisation. La prospection s’est poursuivie sur le site de Khirbat Sumra (fig. 6, pt. 158) . Il s’agit d’un fort romain bâti en basalte [Findlater 2004, 111] abritant un bâtiment rectangulaire mais aussi des citernes et puits importants. Le site s’élève près de la Via Nova Traiana. Pour l’instant, la céramique ramassée et étudiée par Julie Monchamp ne permet pas d’attester une occupation médiévale ou postérieure de ce site-carrefour. Les voyageurs et savants européens du xixe siècle témoignent pourtant de l’existence de routes alternatives au niveau d’al-Qadīsiya qui pourraient correspondre à ces tronçons.

À l’est de l’agglomération d’al-Qādisiya un segment est à nouveau identifiable et il est associé à une route descendant vers des points d’eau, aménagement comparable à celui lié aux sources au nord de Khirbat al-Dūsaq et d’une facture semblable. Dans la région d’al-Qādisiya, le terrain est couvert de fragments de basalte et l’installation d’une caravane nécessitait un épierrement du sol pour le confort des hommes et des bêtes. On trouve ici un « big circle » de 400 mètres de diamètre, semblable à d’autres cercles de pierre trouvés en Jordanie qui, construit à l’âge du Bronze [Khasawneh, Abudanah, Thompson, Murray 2024], aurait pu être réutilisé par les caravanes [Dauphin 2022] mais son espace intérieur ne se prête actuellement pas au repos tant la concentration de fragments de basalte y est importante.

Dans cette même optique de la documentation de routes alternatives, nous avons parcouru la région au nord-est de Khirbat al-Dūsaq sur un axe parallèle à l’est de la Via Nova Traiana, actuelle King’s Highway. À cet endroit, la présence de sites archéologiques témoigne de l’existence d’une route nord-sud ancienne. Par exemple, à 5 km Khirbat al-Dūsaq le site de Khirbat al-Qannas (fig. 6, pt. 252), fort romain et caravansérail [Findlater 2004, 193] comporte de nombreux puits et abrite un important matériel céramique datant de l’époque romaine et de l’Antiquité tardive. Au sud de ce site, se trouve un enclos d'environ 300 mètres de long sur 50 mètres de large, qui pourrait avoir servi de lieu de stationnement pour les caravanes.

Au nord se trouve le site de Hudayra (fig. 6, pt. 251, 267, 268, 269), près de la route reliant actuellement Dana à al-Ḥuseiniya. Il s’agit d’un vaste ensemble qui s’élève sur un promontoire rocheux, il est doté de nombreuses de citernes [Hart & Faulkner 1985, 107]. Il est à noter que d’après les observations de Julie Monchamp, le ramassage céramique a fourni des fragments de vaisselle d’époque mamelouke (xiiie-xvie siècle).

Au cours de cette mission, amputée de quelques jours, il ne nous a pas été possible de nous rendre au nord de ce site où d’autres installations ont été repérées. La présence de villages et d’établissements fréquentés à l’époque médiévale dans ce secteur pourrait témoigner de l’existence d’itinéraires alternatifs liés à des points d’eau ou même, à des villages auxquels était associé un terroir permettant de ravitailler pèlerins et voyageurs.

 

[1] Nous tenons à remercier le Département des Antiquités de Jordanie, son directeur général Dr. Fadi Bal’awi et son directeur du service des fouilles et prospections archéologiques, Mr. Muhammad Naser.

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
JANSEN VAN RENSBURG Julian

Summary report

The aims of the Islamic fortifications project on Soqotra were to undertake a comprehensive and multi-disciplinary study of the Islamic fortifications at Jebel Hawari and Firigi and train a team of local archaeologists from the Soqotra Heritage Project (SHP). A team of women and men who have a long-term interest in and knowledge of Soqotra’s rich archaeological heritage. The aims of this project were successfully realised in 2022 between the months of March and April – Jebel Hawari and, due to the political situation in Yemen, January 2024 - Firigi. During these two seasons local archaeologists were trained and became proficient in basic and advanced survey techniques and excavation practices. This included training in the setting up, taking of points and the processing of data from a total station, single context excavation strategies, and artefact drawings and planning. During both seasons the total station survey was coupled with digital aerial imagery taken with a drone to generate a georeferenced orthomosaic base map and create a comprehensive site plan and photogrammetric 3D model of both Islamic forts at Jebel Hawari and Firigi. During the first season at Jebel Hawari the survey and excavation undertaken established that the fort was constructed in four phases, Islamic 1 – 4. The first phase (Islamic 1) was the construction of a rectangular fort, a cistern, and an area of walling between the cistern and fort. This was followed by three successive phases of construction (Islamic 2 – 4). During Islamic 2, the rectangular fort was reinforced along its southwestern edge further walling was added. During Islamic 3, significant defensive structures were added, notably a curtain wall and at least three bastions. The final phase of construction, Islamic 4, was the construction of a second cistern or water catchment feature to the east of the first cistern, the reinforcement of the walls and the addition of enclosures that were presumably animal pens and / or storage areas. During the excavation of a trench slot within the cistern a construction, destruction, and abandonment phase were identified. The destruction phase appears to be related to a burning event from which a charcoal sample was dated to cal AD 1443-1617. Based on the results of the C14 analysis it is likely that the destruction phase of the fort was related to the historical battle between the Portuguese and the Al Mahri in 1507. During the second season at Firigi the survey and clearance established the presence of an Islamic fort that had been mentioned by Bent during his visit in 1899, and briefly sketched by bent Shinnie in 1956. Based on the results of the survey the actual area of the fort is larger than that sketched by Shinnie and is composed of both a revetment wall and four interior enclosures. Within both forts local Soqotri pottery was collected, photographed, and draw for future studies. Overall, the Islamic Fortifications of Soqotra has successfully shed light on Soqotra’s little-known, yet rich, Islamic archaeological heritage and provided local archaeologists with the necessary experience and training to continue this important work in the future.

Detailed report

The Islamic Fortifications Project on Soqotra formed an integral part in the inclusion of Islamic cultural heritage within the World Monuments Fund Watch (WMF) List on Soqotra https://www.wmf.org/project/soqotra. A program that has sought to raise awareness of the threats facing Soqotra’s cultural heritage and outline potential conservation actions required. Working in collaboration with the General Organisation of Antiquities and Museums (GOAM) Yemen and the WMF this project has successfully identified the risks facing Soqotra’s little-known, yet rich, Islamic archaeological heritage, notably the few remaining defensive structures and ‘Alha Mosque.

The overall aims of the Islamic Fortifications Project on Soqotra have been successfully completed with the second season of fieldwork that undertook a comprehensive and multi-disciplinary study of the remains of the fort identified at Firigi. A fort that was first mentioned by Bent in 1899 and was later sketched by Shinnie, who believed it has been built by the Mahri in the 16th century CE after the departure of the Portuguese (Shinnie 1960: 107, 108, Fig. 6). The fort at Firigi was later briefly visited by Naumkin (1993) and Weeks et al. (2002), both of whom confirming Shinnie’s findings that, due to its location, it functioned as an important base from which the Mahri could move further into the island or make punitive raids against the indigenous Soqotri inhabitants. Working alongside the director of GOAM and a local GOAM representative together with team of local archaeologists from the Soqotra Heritage Project (SHP) and experts in pottery and geometric surveys, the second season undertook a comprehensive survey of the fort at Firigi. To facilitate the training of local archaeologists’ experts were assigned to each of the SHP archaeologists to assist in the development of their skills in undertaking geometric surveys and analysing artefacts, notably the pottery from the site.

The first phase of the second season was generate a sequence of base maps using digital terrestrial photography coupled with a GPS enabled drone and a total station to georeference the base maps. Three successive base maps were generated, 1. before the clearance of vegetation and areas of overburden - where a limited number of features were observable, 2. after clearance of vegetation and areas of overburden - where features were better defined, and 3. after further clearance of collapse and overburden – where an architectural sequence for the fort could be clearly defined. The collating and georeferencing of the various images allowed for a sequence of georeferenced orthomosaic base maps to be generated. These base maps were then incorporated within a singular model from which stratigraphic units could be identified and a typological, technical, and architectural sequence for the fort established. This allowed for the identification of a preliminary architectural sequence that can be correlated with the construction techniques and architectural style of the fort. In addition to the creation of a georeferenced 3D model of the fort, a georeferenced 2D base map was created within a spatial database, QGIS (Figure 1).

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Figure 1. A georeferenced orthomosaic of the Fort at Firgi.

The aim of the second phase of this season was to establish a chronology and locate evidence that would allow for the establishment and abandonment phases of the fort to be determined. Large parts of the site had been disturbed by an adjacent date palm garden that has resulted in loss of structural elements from much of the western part of the site, while along the northern extent large parts of the site have been subject to erosion from the planting of palm trees at the base of the outer wall. During initial surveys and clearance of the site it was clear that the structures of the eastern area of the fort had been built on a platform that raised the eastern area and provided a level platform for the construction of the walls, towers and other structures that were recorded. The platform much like the structures within the fort were constructed from stones from the nearby wadi bed. While it was evident that a soil layer had formed on some parts of the platform, notably where the bedrock was incorporated as part of the base for the platform, much of the sediments within the fort have been washed out leaving behind little dateable material. Nevertheless, during clearance of the overburden and collapse from the northernmost tower structure several fragments of local Soqotri pottery were collected. Dating these local wares is particularly difficult in that they have been in continual use throughout the last two millennium and virtually no studies have been undertaken to establish either a chronological or typological sequence. Nevertheless, establishing a local ware typology from the pottery collected at Firigi and that at Jebel Hawari is an important step towards better understanding local wares and potentially establishing relative chronology. As such the pottery collected is currently being analysed by a pottery expert that came to Soqotra for the second season.

The third phase of the second season sought to collate and digitise the written and photographic site records of past survey and excavation works. These were then incorporated within the registers, plans, sections, matrices generated during this season’s fieldwork. The digitisation of this site archive is currently being completed and incorporated within an open-source spatial database (pyArchInit for QGIS) for further analysis. While the results of this season’s work are preliminary and further analysis is still necessary, several key points concerning the constructional and architectural phases of the fort have been established.

During our initial large-scale landscape survey we were able to ascertain that the fort formed part of a larger structural complex, which was built upon a natural wadi bank that formed along the western edge of the wadi. At present it is not clear as to when this wadi bank formed, but it was evident from the various structures that some form of agricultural was being practiced. According to interviews with the local inhabitants these structures were ‘ancient’, which typically means they existed over two generations ago. While many of these structures have been reused by the local inhabitants, either as walls to prevent the goats from accessing the date gardens within, or as goat pens, it is still possible to observe the presence of fields that are outlined by boulders. The boulders surrounding the fields appear to have been used to contain the soil, which is much deeper within these areas, presumably for cultivating cereal crops. At present these fields are predominately used by the local inhabitants for date palm cultivation, although in several areas they are also growing fruit trees, vegetable plots, and finger millet. While it is not certain as to what crops may have been used in the past, with the exception of the date palms that have been recorded from at least the thirteenth century (Ibn al-Mujāwir 1954: 2.265), it is likely that some form of agriculture was being practiced by the inhabitants in the area. How these cultivated fields relate to the fort is not clear, yet one can surmise that they would have potentially been used to supply the garrison stationed at the fort with much needed supplies. Indeed, if the Mahri garrison were engaged in controlling trade and conducting punitive raids it would be unlikely that they would have been supplied by the local inhabitants. As such, they would have needed to cultivate food for themselves, although one cannot of course rule out that this may have also provided them with a resource that they could have bartered with. That the fort lies to the south eastern edge of these fields it is unclear how they would have guarded the fields against incursions from the local Soqotri inhabitants, if this was required. While no direct evidence for housing or similar structures was located in or around the fields, it is possible that these structures could have either been robbed, or converted into goat pens.

The second stage of our survey was to compare Shinnie’s plan of the fort with the georeferenced orthomosaic and observations made during this seasons work at the fort. According to Shinnie (1960: 107-108, Fig. 6), along the front wall of the fort a ‘type of moat’ had been constructed by artificially enlarging and deepening the wadi. However, the wadi bed in front of the front wall of the fort and several meters away from the wall ends directly on the bedrock, which bears no marks of having been enlarged or deepened. That a pool may have formed in front of the fort is more likely related to the nature of the wadi bed that at the point where the embankment wall flows past the fort is deeper, due to the bedrock formation rather than any human agency. Another aspect of the fort relates to its construction, notably the use of ‘trimmed blocks, quite unlike the local building style’ that Shinnie (1960), Naumkin (1993) and Weeks et al. (2002) highlight as being further evidence for the site having been constructed by the Mahri. Closer inspection of the red granite stones used in the construction of the fort provide a bit of a conundrum in that the majority of the construction of the fort is made up of both rounded and sub-angular cobbles of red granite. Within the fort the flat surfaces of the sub-angular and angular cobbles that were used in the towers to create a flattish face, while elsewhere a mixture of rounded and sub-angular and angular cobbles were used in the forts construction. Based on the surrounding geology the rounded cobbles would have been procured from the wadi, while the sub-angular and angular cobbles would have been procured from the sides of the mountains to the north and south respectively. The fact that sub-angular and angular rocks were used in the construction of the facing of the towers of the fort is not a testament to either a Mahri or Soqotri construction but rather a testimony to the innovative use of local materials for the construction of the fort.  

Based on Shinnie’s plan the fort is triangular in shape and made up of two towers, in the north and south respectively, a well in the centre of the fort and a series of adjoining rooms that are related to the northern tower (Shinnie 1960: 108, Fig. 6). However, once the vegetation and overburden had been cleared it was clear that the fort was actually rectangular in shape. Moreover, the so-called well was, according to the local inhabitants, not a well but was used as a goat pen to prevent young goats from straying. Once the vegetation had been cleared within the circle of rocks it was clear that the stones had been built on top of the ground level of the fort and that the so-called well did not go any deeper than the floor of the fort. During the documentation of the eastern most wall, however, a stream of water coming from under the fort was noticed. This stream was said to come from a spring that was situated further west of the fort, although it was not located. It is highly likely that this may have been a source of water for the inhabitants of the fort in the past.

In the northern part of the site the remains of a square double-walled tower were identified. Based on initial observations the outer wall was built later and could have functioned as a support for the inner tower. After clearance of the collapse from the southern wall the tower we have ascertained that the tower would have been at least two meters in height from the base of the fort. While it was not possible to remove the collapse from the interior of the tower it was clear that the interior been accessed from the west, where it formed part of a rectangular structure. This large rectangular structure is made up of four square rooms, all of which have collapsed leaving little more than the foundational stones in place. The rooms are all approximately 2.5 by 3.2 meters in size and appear to have either functioned as storage or living quarters. Only small fragments of local Soqotri pottery were found within the overburden.

The southern part of the site consists of the remains of a tower, much of which has been damaged by the planting of a date palm tree. To the north of the tower is a rectangular room measuring 5.2 by 5 meters of which only the foundation remains. No finds were made within the room. The tower and rectangular room are raised above the floor of the fort by approximately 30 cm and, based on the subsidence in the north-western corner it appears as if this had been built up with earth, which may have been used to create a floor on the bedrock, which provides this area of the fort with a natural elevation.

As mentioned previously, the western part of the fort has been partly destroyed during the planting of a date palm plantation, and the robbing of stone to construct a wall to the garden to prevent goats from entering. However, during a short investigation into this heavily overgrown part of the site structures related to the western edge of the fort were found. These were the remains of foundations, presumably for rooms and, at the far western edge of the garden, walls.

In summary, while the analysis of the results from this season’s work remain preliminary it is clear that we have located the Al Mahri fort that Shinnie (1960) identified. Moreover, based on the initial overview of the fort we were able to ascertain that, contrary to Shinnie’s site map, the fort was rectangular in shape with two towers in the north and south-eastern corners. Due to the underlying bedrock on which the fort was built, it is clear that the central and part of the north-western edge of the fort had been built up and levelled with boulders from the wadi. Due to the garden in the western edge of the fort it is not clear as to the extent of the fort, nor whether it was levelled. Of particular interest was that the construction of the fort. While historically and ethnographically the fort at Firgi is believed to have been occupied by the Mahri, that the fort was built specifically by the Mahri is unclear. Contrary to the reports by Shinnie (1960), Naumkin (1993) and Weeks et al. (2002) the fort was not constructed of ‘trimmed blocks, quite unlike the local building style’, but was actually constructed from unworked red granite from the wadi and surrounding mountain slopes. This could imply that the Mahri used local labour in the construction of the fort, or that they simply made use of the most easily accessible material available.

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
MANTELLINI Simone

Report

The site of Banbhore, located in the western delta of the Indus river, is one of the largest archaeological sites of Sindh, south Pakistan. Research on site was carried out by the Pakistani archaeologist F.A. Khan (Khan 1976) in the last century and resumed in 2011 by a French-Italian Pakistani joint expedition (Manassero & Piacentini Fiorani 2014, 2015; Felici et al. 2016, 2018) and from 2017 by an Italian-Pakistani team within a Memorandum of Understanding between the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart CUSH, Milan, and the Directorate General of Antiquities and Archaeology - DGAA, Culture, Tourism & Antiquities Department, Government of Sindh (Mantellini 2019a; Sindh Antiquities 2019; Mantellini et al. 2022). Most of the scholars agree with the identification of Banbhore as the prosperous harbour town of Daybul/Debol, mentioned in pre Islamic and Early Islamic written sources (Piacentini Fiorani & Fusaro 2022). Historical authors described Daybul/Debol as one of the major ports in the Indian ocean and a very active artisanal centre, manufacturing several items such as ceramics, terracotta figurines, metal items, shell ornaments and elephant ivory.

The site comprises a fortified town with a long occupation history (1st BCE-early 13th century CE). Recent excavation in the central area of the town (Trench 9) uncovered the largest deposit of ivory offcuts (about 100 kgs) ever known from a certain archaeological context, making Banbhore the biggest manufacturing centre of ivory so far discovered in antiquity (Mantellini 2019b; Mantellini et al. 2021). This ‘industrial’ production of ivory is attested by two workshops, characterised by ivory wastes, discarded semi-finished objects, very small chippings, and powder. Further evidence of ivory processing was found in three large ivory dumps around the two workshops. It is interesting to note that this ivory production can be dated to the early-middle 12th century, which corresponds to the decay and abandonment of the settlement.

The vast majority of the items found are production waste, some broken artefacts are present and very few complete pieces have been recovered up to this moment. The preliminary research confirms that the ivory comes from elephant tusks and that the bow lathe was the most used tool (Affanni 2019).

This project aims at: i) Extending the excavation in Trench 9 in order to further expose the ivory workshop; ii) Classifying the wastes into main classes and typologies; iii) Studying the ancient technology and the chaîne opératoire of the ivory industry, including the organisation of the work in the workshop and the industrial area; iv) Establishing the origin of raw material through DNA analyses.

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Fig. 1 : Trench 9 at the end of the 2021 campaign with the main discoveries of ivory, aerial view from South (aerial acquisition A. Tilia, © CUSH)

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Fig. 2 : Excavating the ivory workshop #1, 2020 (photo: S. Mantellini, © CUSH).

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Fig. 3 : Examples of ivory offcuts from Trench 9, Ivory workshop #1, 2020 (photo: S. Mantellini, © CUSH). 

 


Bibliography

AFFANNI, G. 2019. The Ivories of Banbhore: A Preliminary Paleo-technological Report. Sindh Antiquities 5: 104–8.

FELICI, A.C., A. FUSARO, A. IBRAHIM, K. LASHARI, N. MANASSERO, M. PIACENTINI, V. PIACENTINI FIORANI & A. TILIA. 2016. Archaeological excavations at Banbhore, Sindh. Preliminary report of the Pakistani- Italian 2014 and 2015 field seasons Parthica. Vol. 18. https://doi.org/10.19272/201603501008.

FELICI, A.C., A. FUSARO, A. IBRAHIM, K. LASHARI, N. MANASSERO, M. PIACENTINI, V. PIACENTINI FIORANI & A. TILIA. 2018. Banbhore, a Major Trade Centre on the Indus’ Delta: Notes on the Pakistani-Italian Excavations and Research., in F. Höflmayer (ed.) Proceedings of the 10th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East (25–29 April 2016, Vienna), Volume 2, 2: 315–28. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

KHAN, F.A. 1976. Banbhore. A Preliminary Report on the Recent Archaeological Excavations at Banbhore. Karachi: Department of Archaeology and Museum. Government of Pakistan.

MANASSERO, N. & V. PIACENTINI FIORANI. 2014. The Site of Banbhore (Sindh – Pakistan): a Joint Pakistani-French-Italian Project. Current Research in Archaeology and History (2010-2014). The Silk Road 12: 82–88.

—. 2015. Scavi della Missione dell’Università Cattolica di Milano alla foce dell’Indo: archeologia e storia. Atti dell’Accademia delle Scienze di Torino – Classe di scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche 149: 155–79.

MANTELLINI, S. 2019a. Survey Around Banbhore. Sindh Antiquities 5: 65–69.

—. 2019b. Investigating the Core of the Urban Asset of the Site: Excavation of Trench 9. Sindh Antiquities 5: 70–87.

MANTELLINI, S., A. FUSARO, G. AFFANNI, D. REDAMANTE, A. TILIA & V. PIACENTINI FIORANI. 2021. The 2020 Italian-Pakistani Excavation at Banbhore A New Picture of Daybul and its Last Occupation Phase (11th Century-Early 13th Century). Sindh Antiquities 7: 1–17.

MANTELLINI, S., A. FUSARO, F. DUVA & Z. QUADRI. 2022. Beyond the Fortified Town : Preliminary Insights on Land Use and Occupation Strategies at Banbhore Beyond the Fortified Town : Preliminary Insights on Land Use and Occupation Strategies at Banbhore ( Sindh , Pakistan ). South Asian Studies 38. Routledge: 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1080/02666030.2022.2111747.

PIACENTINI FIORANI, V. & A. FUSARO. 2022. Eleventh – twelfth century — political and economic balances in the western Indian Ocean in the light of historical and ceramic evidence from the site of Banbhore / Daybul. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 51: 247–70.

SINDH ANTIQUITIES. 2019. Volume 05 No. 2. Sindh Antiquities. https://saj.sindhculture.gov.pk

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
DI CESARE Michelina

Summary report

A Survey of the Great Mosque-Palace Complex of Kufa aims to reconstruct the structural history of the mosque-palace complex of Kufa on the basis of new evidence.

Historiographical sources ascribe the conception of this compound, formed by the congregational mosque and the residence of the governor, to ʿUmar b. al-Khattab (634-644), thus identifying it as the earliest instance of a solution that will characterise the Islamic city during the first two centuries after the Hijra. However, the lack of a comprehensive report of the archaeological investigation carried out in the last century has raised doubts on the reliability of the sources regarding the early construction phases of the complex and their chronology.

In order to solve these issues, which are essential to our knowledge of early Islamic architecture and urban planning, we have undertaken the study of the data and information provided by medieval sources, all the publications related to the excavations, new surveys of the site of the mosque-palace complex and its extant structures, unpublished documentation produced during the excavations, and decontextualized architectural elements related to the complex.

The second campaign of the second season (May-June 2022) consisted in: ground survey of the Great Mosque of Kufa and especially its qibli wall, including the mihrab amir al-mu’minin and the maqams next to it, whose location is important to understand their relationship with the two doors connecting the mosque with the palace; acquisition of plans of the two latest phases of the mosque from the Custody of the Great Mosque of Kufa; inspection and photographic documentation of some architectural elements that were discovered in the mosque during its latest renovation, currently kept at the SBAH Inspectorate of Najaf.

The first campaign of the third season (February 2023) consisted in: aerial survey of the whole area occupied by the Great Mosque of Kufa, Rawda, Rahaba and House of Imama Ali, and Qasr al-Imara; ground survey of the eastern section of the qibli wall of the mosque and the structures of the palace abutting it, and the upper section of the walls of the mosque; visit of Qasr al-Ukhaydir for comparative purposes; acquisition of reproduction of further unpublished material from the SBAH Archive in Baghdad.

A Survey of the Mosque-Palace Complex of Kufa

Second campaign of the second season (May-June 2022) - First campaign of the third season (February 2023)

Background

The project A Survey of the Mosque-Palace Complex of Kufa, pursued in cooperation with the State Board of Antiquities and Heritage of the Republic of Iraq (SBAH) - Baghdad and the Department of Sciences of Antiquity of Sapienza University of Rome, funded by Sapienza and the Fondation Max van Berchem, Geneva, aims at reassessing the history of the Mosque-Palace Complex of Kufa.

Historiographical sources date the realization of the complex to the reign of ʿUmar b. al-Khattab and ascribe it to the founder of Kufa, Saʿd b. Abi Waqqas, conqueror of ʿIraq and its first governor. Accordingly, it would represent the earliest instance, archaeologically documented, of an architectural and urbanistic solution that will characterise the early Islamic city.

The site where the complex lay is currently occupied by the Great Mosque of Kufa, lavishly renovated in recent years, and the Qasr al-Imara, namely the remains of the palace. The latter were extensively excavated in the last century by the then Directorate-General of Antiquities of Iraq, which also made some soundings along the walls of the Great Mosque (Masjid al-Kufa 1940; Mustafa 1954; Mustafa 1956 and 1963; Mustafa 1957; Taha 1971; Janabi 1963; 1966; Janabi 1978; Janabi 1983; see also Janabi 2014). However, a full report of the whole archaeological investigation was never published and the international community had to rely mainly on the English translation of the preliminary report of the third season (Mustafa 1956 and 1963; see Creswell 1969; Creswell – Allan 1989). Consequently, the structural history and chronology of the complex are still uncertain and subject to different interpretations (Grabar 1958; Creswell 1969; Khudayyr 1983; Creswell – Allan 1989; Antun 2016; Santi 2018)[1].

In the light of the importance of these issues to our knowledge of early Islamic architecture, urban planning, as also history and culture, we have decided to resume the study of the mosque-palace complex of Kufa, by gathering all the data and information provided by medieval sources, publications related to the excavations, new surveys of the site, unpublished documentation produced during the excavations, and decontextualized architectural elements related to the complex.

Previous campaigns

The work in Iraq has so far consisted of fieldwork campaigns in Kufa and research campaigns in Najaf and Baghdad. The former aimed at surveying the site – the surfacing structures of the Qasr al-Imara, the Great Mosque of Kufa and its annexes –, retrieving and studying architectural elements kept in the local Inspectorate of the SBAH, and collecting and studying published and unpublished documents regarding the recent renovations of the Great Mosque kept in its Custody; the latter aimed at collecting and studying all the published and unpublished documents regarding the excavations kept in the SBAH Archives and the Iraqi National Library and Archives, and architectural elements kept in the Iraqi Museum.

The first campaign of the first season was carried out in June 2019, when a ground survey of the area and an aerial survey of the Qasr al-Imara were pursued. The structures on the site, particularly those of the Qasr al-Imara, were documented, and relevant information regarding the extent of the excavated area and the preservation and consolidation interventions were acquired (see the report published online on the website of the Fondation Max van Berchem, and the report in Sumer 2020). The second campaign of the first season, planned for November 2019, did not take place as the country was in turmoil at the time, and then the Covid-19 pandemic broke out.

The first campaign of the second season took place in November-December 2021. It consisted in a research campaign carried out in Baghdad, at the Iraqi Museum, the SBAH Archives, and the Iraqi National Library and Archives. The results were remarkable. It was possible to: re-discover and examine the painting unearthed in the Qasr al-Imara in 1957 of which only a drawing was so far known (Taha 1971; see also Di Cesare 2020); assess the preservation of unpublished excavation journals, restoration reports, sketches and plans (from 1938 to 1994), and an impressive amount of photographs (up to ca. 1967/1968), among which an image showing the whole extent of the excavated areas in the Qasr al-Imara and the Great Mosque before the recent renovations (see the report submitted to the Fondation Max van Berchem last year). The study of the material we were allowed to acquire (which was thereafter transcribed and translated) is currently underway[2].

Second campaign of the second season

The second campaign of the second season took place between 20 May and 1 June 2022[3]. The planned aerial survey of the whole area, including the Great Mosque and its annexes, could not be performed due to the sudden introduction of new customs regulations that impeded the introduction of our UAV and DGPS to the Country. Nevertheless, we could carry out the ground survey of the mosque for which we had received permission from the Custody of the Great Mosque of Kufa. The latter also provided us with plans of the mosque as it was renovated in 1938 and 1980s-1990s. These plans, along with the plan and photographs of the mosque as it appeared before 1938, obtained from the SBAH Archives, are essential to reconstructing the recent phases of the building and understanding the possible alterations of its perimetral walls in relation to the structures of the Qasr al-Imara. They also provide indicators for identifying the areas excavated after 1956 whose location was not recorded. We were also allowed to survey and document the qibli wall of the mosque from the inside, including bab al-sudda, the maqam and minbar of Prophet Nuh, and, exceptionally, the mihrab amir al-muʾminin. The latter, which is usually screened by a maqsura, was then under restoration and we could approach, observe and measure it before the new marble revetment was applied. The precise location of these maqams is also useful to understand their relationship with the two doors connecting the mosque with the palace that were discovered during the excavations of the Qasr al-Imara (al-Janabi 1963 and 1978).

In addition, we were allowed to inspect and photograph some architectural elements kept in the local SBAH Inspectorate that were retrieved in the mosque during the latest renovation, though the specific area in which they were found remains unknown. These are: a stone capital sculpted with acanthus leaves analogous to the capitals discovered in the courtyard of the mosque in 1938 and ascribed to the mosque built by Ziyad b. Abihi (Masjid al-Kufa 1940 and Janabi 1966); a stone base; another lithic artefact with a peculiar shape, possibly also a base; four fragments of shafts with a different diameter. The bases and two of the fragments of shafts were pierced in the centre, thus suggesting that they contained a lead or iron rod holding them together, like the tall columns of the mosque built by Ziyad b. Abihi as described by al-Muqaddasi and Ibn Jubayr (Creswell 1969, 46), the columns of the mosque of Wasit built by al-Hajjaj in 701/703 (Creswell 1969, 136), and those of Aqsa III in Jerusalem, possibly dating to the early Abbasid period (Hamilton in Creswell - Allan 1989, 82). However, further study is required to assess the chronology of these elements by establishing their relationship with the capital and shafts unearthed in the Qasr al-Imara in 1968 (Janabi 1983) and the late antique building tradition in the region. Indeed, according to a khabar reported by Tabari the columns of Ziyad’s mosque were made of marble and taken from churches, whereas according to Baladhuri the first mosque built by Saʿd employed spolia from al-Hira (Creswell 1969, 24 and n. 7).

DiCesareFig1.jpeg Figure 1: Architectural elements found in the Great Mosque of Kufa during the latest renovation (1980s-1990s) and kept at the SBAH Inspectorate of Najaf (Photograph by Michelina Di Cesare © SBAH – Baghdad).

First campaign of the third season

The first campaign of the third season took place in February 2023 and consisted in fieldwork in Kufa and a visit to Ukhaydir (13-18), and research in Baghdad (19-22)[1].

The site of the Qasr al-Imara presented some areas cleared from the reeds that constantly grow from the surfacing underground water. Therefore, differently from previous occasions, the eastern section of the qibli wall of the mosque and the structures abutting it were partially accessible for inspection. Regrettably, the wall did not reveal traces of the door leading to the mosque from the Ilkhanid bath discovered in 1964-1965 (Janabi 1978), as it was most certainly obliterated by the modern cladding. However, the structures pertaining to the bath could be identified so to be reported in a plan. The features of the remains of the northern gate of the outer enclosure, on the contrary, were difficult to be discerned.

The ground survey of this area was followed by the inspection of the upper section of the walls of the mosque from the roof, which raises as a parapet above the edge of a counterwall running along the whole perimeter of the building, and extending up above the level of the roof. The original masonry, mostly hidden under a thick layer of concrete covered by plaster, consists of baked bricks and mortar. The iwan of Bab al-Hujja, in the western wall, the iwan of Bab al-Thaʿban and the base of the minaret next to it, and the iwan of Bab al-Rahma, all in the northern wall, appear to be later constructions.

Some of the information gathered through the ground survey also emerged from the aerial survey of the whole area including the Great Mosque and Rawda, the adjacent Rahaba and House of Imam ʿAlī, and the Qasr al-Imara. This was performed by using a DJI Mavic 2 Pro UAV, taking nadiral photographs with 75% front-lap and side-lap that were processed with the Agisoft Metashape Professional software, in order to obtain the ortophotomosaic in the figure below.

 DiCesareFig2.jpeg

Figure 2: Ortophotomosaic of the area encompassing the Great Mosque of Kufa and Rawda, Imam ʿAli’s House and its Rahaba, and Qasr al-Imara (Photographs by ʿImad ʿAli, rendering by Domizia D’Erasmo).

The image reveals, especially in the inner enclosure of the Qasr, the presence of structures that were not recorded in our previous aerial survey since they were covered by thick vegetation. This permits a better comparison with the structures appearing in the plans and photographs produced during the excavations. Also important is the fact that the image shows the whole extent of the mosque’s perimetral walls, which can be compared to that appearing in the plan drawn in 1938, at the beginning of the excavations, and the photograph of the area taken in 1967/1968, at the end of the excavations (see the previous reports submitted to the Fondation). To determine the persistence of structural and spatial relationships between the mosque and the Qasr al-Imara is essential for locating the excavated areas described in the journals but not reported in a plan.

Therefore, the accurate rendering of the structures of the mosque and Qasr al-Imara, their dimensions, and the relationships with the Rahaba, Imam ʿAli’s House, and Rawḍa, as provided by the orthophotomosaic will be completed with the data provided by the published and unpublished plans we have acquired, the information gathered from the ground surveys and through the study of the reports, excavation journals and photographs, so to draw a comprehensive plan of the complex and its phases.

In order to better understand certain construction and planimetric features of the Qasr al-Imara we also deemed relevant to visit Qaṣr al-Ukhaydir, about 126 km north-west of Kufa by car, in Kerbala Governatorate. Indeed, its inner enclosure, like Qasr al-Mshattā in Jordan, presents several analogies with the Qasr al-Imara in Kufa and, differently from it, is exceptionally well preserved in elevation (even considering the restoration). In addition, even though several decades seem to separate the earlier phases of the Qasr al-Imara of Kufa and the construction of Qasr al-Ukhaydir, they both refer to the previous local Sasanian tradition. We were particularly interested in inspecting the ceremonial unit opening into the main court, and the “Persian buyut” in the inner enclosure, as well as the galleries and battlements and the stairways leading to them in the outer enclosure. An interesting and useful detail emerged from observing the eastern, southern and western sides of the inner enclosure: the foundations of some of the semi-round towers along the perimeter were visible and appeared to be square and constructed in the same masonry as the towers. The same was recorded for the towers in the perimetral walls of the mosque and the inner enclosure of the Qasr al-Imara.

Though the building materials employed in Ukhaydir and Kufa are different, the occurrence of the same solution in both seems to confirm the interpretation of the ‘first layer’ identified in the Qasr al-Imara as the foundations of the ‘second layer’, thus belonging to the same construction phase (the first), as suggested in the brief note on the fourth excavation season (Mustafa 1957).

In the SBAH archives in Baghdad we were allowed to inspect further photographs taken during the excavations at the Qasr al-Imara and acquire reproductions of some of them.

Being the main fieldwork in Kufa concluded, the next months will be devoted to the study of the data and information so far collected, in order to reconstruct the history of the excavations, reassess the results and their interpretation, produce plans of the structural phases of the complex, and clarify their chronology.

 


[1] The team consisted of Michelina Di Cesare, Amelia Blundo, Seif Hameed ʿAshur, Imad Ali; at the SBAH Inspectorate and Qasr al-Imara we worked under the supervision of Mr Qasim ʿAbd al-Kadhem Muhammad with the collaboration of Mr Ghalib; in the Great Mosque of Kufa and its precincts we were assisted by Nabeel Hameed Taha, with the collaboration of Mr Muhammad and Mr Haydar, and the support of Muhammad Majeed al-Mousawi and the Department of Engineering of the Great Mosque of Kufa. The visit to Ukhaydir was made possible by Mr Haydar Taha, Director of the Department of Archaeological Investigations of the SBAH - Baghdad. In Baghdad Amelia and I were assisted by Luma Duri, Director of the Iraq Museum, Ilham al-Ameer, Director of the SBAH Archives, and Luma Juda, Director of the Department of Public Relations, with the support of Dr Leith Hussein Majeed. We would like to thank all of them and also, again, Hassan Nadhem.

[1] In previous publications related to the project the name of Khudayyr was misspelled as Khadir (errata corrige).

[2] In 2021 and 2022 other colleagues have joined the research group based in Rome: Leonardo Capezzone, Giulio Maresca, Arturo Monaco, Adnan Kzzo, Amelia Blundo, and Domizia D’Erasmo.

[3] The team consisted of Michelina Di Cesare, Amelia Blundo, Domizia D’Erasmo. At the SBAH Inspectorate in Najaf we worked under the supervision of Chief Inspector Mr Qasim ʿAbd al-Kadhim Muhammad; in the Great Mosque of Kufa we were assisted by Nabeel Hameed Taha, Interpreter and now Master of Ceremonies, and the engineers Murtada al-Nafakh and Mustafa al-Sultani. We would like to express our gratitude to Dr Hassan Nadhem, then Minister of Culture, Antiquities and Tourism of the Republic of Iraq, and Dr Leith Hussein Majeed, Head of the SBAH – Baghdad, for favouring the collaboration with the Custody of the Great Mosque of Kufa, and the latter’s Secretary General Mr Muhammad Majeed al-Mousawi.

Publications

 “Nuove prospettive sul complesso moschea-palazzo di Kufa”, poster presented at EVOA2023 (Egypt and Ancient Near East Conference, organized by Sapienza University of Rome, Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, ISMEO), Sapienza University of Rome, 30.06-1.07.2022;

“Trauma, Memory and Oblivion in the History of the Mosque-Palace Complex of Kufa”, paper delivered at the International Conference Iraq After 2003: When Trauma Becomes Art, Myth, History, and Literature, Sapienza University of Rome, 23-24.09.2021 (to be published in the proceedings, in preparation);

“A Recent Project on the Mosque-Palace Complex of Kufa”, paper delivered at the 6th Annual Islamic Archaeology Day, co-organised by SOAS and UCL, London 1st of February 2020;

“Nota su un dipinto parietale rinvenuto nel Qaṣr al-Imāra di Kufa, il suo contesto archeologico e storico-artistico”, in Mantua Humanistic Studies, Volume IX (2020), 105-139;

“The Iraqi-Italian Project: ‘A Survey of the Great Mosque and Qasr al-Imara of Kufa, Najaf’.

Preliminary results of the research pursued during the first year (February 2019-February 2020)”, in Sumer 66 (2020), 219-247.