ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
GILOTTE Sophie

Campagne 2016

  • Résumé

Au cours de la campagne 2016, l’enquête archéologique s’est centrée sur l’agrandissement des fronts nord et sud-ouest de la grande aire ouverte à l’intérieur de l’enceinte. Cette approche extensive a permis de découvrir une voie de circulation le long du parement intérieur de la muraille nord, tout en apportant des données inédites sur le caractère artisanal et pastoral des constructions attenantes (étable). Elle a également permis de documenter un nouvel îlot, occupé par au moins deux vastes demeures et bordé d’une voirie. Les caractéristiques architecturelles de l’une d’entre elles soulèvent la question d’une utilisation collective, ne serait-ce que de manière ponctuelle. Le mobilier, abandonné sur place à la suite du pillage dont fut victime le site après l’assaut des troupes chrétiennes au milieu du XIIe siècle, rassemble d’intéressants témoignages sur des pratiques particulières : dédicaces de propriété sur des jarres et diffusion de coffrets au décor géométrique de plaquettes d’os polies. Il apporte, en outre, des données sur les activités des occupants (productions textiles par exemple) et témoigne, au travers d’une petite inscription en coufique, de l’usage de protéger les lieux de vie en invoquant la bénédiction divine. Tout aussi intéressantes sont les multiples évidences de réformes constructives qui caractérisent la dernière étape d’occupation, signe d’un dynamisme urbanistique. La récurrence des niveaux d’incendies et d’effondrements – documentés dans la plupart des espaces fouillés cette année –, ainsi que l’apparition de pointes de flèche rappellent de nouveau les conditions brutales de l’abandon d’Albalat.

Les résultats des études archéobotaniques autorisent à dresser un tableau détaillé et nuancé des pratiques alimentaires, pastorales et agricoles de la population, tandis que les analyses métallographiques démontrent l’importance des ateliers sidérurgiques.

La poursuite des actions de consolidation des vestiges in situ, qui font intervenir des étudiants en restauration sous la supervision d’un restaurateur expérimenté, prétend poser les jalons d’un projet futur de mise en valeur tout en garantissant le bon état de conservation des structures exhumées.

À l’instar des campagnes précédentes, différentes actions de diffusion des résultats scientifiques ont été menées pour sensibiliser les populations locales, en partenariat avec des institutions locales. En outre, l’inauguration, en juillet prochain, d’une exposition temporaire dédiée à Albalat au musée archéologique de Cáceres constitue une importante action de valorisation. Le catalogue de cette exposition replacera les quelque cent soixante pièces présentées, toutes issues des fouilles, dans leur contexte historique et social. Il constitue un bilan de la première étape du programme qui a été lancé depuis la première campagne de diagnostic en 2009.

  

  • Résultats synthétiques de la campagne 2016 : les fouilles

La campagne de fouille 2016 s’est déroulée du 17/08 au 23/09 avec une équipe composée de plus d’une vingtaine de volontaires espagnols et français mais aussi marocains, irlandais et portugais.

Deux principaux fronts d’agrandissement ont été menés au nord et au sud-ouest de l’aire ouverte, qui couvre désormais une superficie fouillée d’environ 1500 m2 (soit environ 7,5% de l’aire intramuros) [fig.1- 2].

Gilotte Plan 1

fig. 1. Plan général du site. Campagne 2016 (relevé topographique : F. Callède et F. Landou, INRAP ; vestiges : M. García, K. Mercier, S. Gilotte).

 

Gillote fouilles 2

fig. 2. État des vestiges à l’issue de la campagne 2016. En jaune, le tracé des voiries et en vert des espaces interstitiels d’assainissement (montage de différentes orthophotos, M. Á. García Pérez).

La poursuite de la fouille du secteur septentrional avait pour but d’appréhender la relation entre les espaces de vie et de travail documentés et la muraille nord. En dépit de leurs superficies restreintes, les deux nouveaux sondages ouverts ont confirmé qu’une voirie, qui accuse un pendage prononcé, courait le long du parement interne de l’ouvrage défensif. Ils suggèrent en outre que des édifices s’ouvraient directement sur cette voie, même si on ne peut en apprécier, en raison des limites actuelles de l’emprise, que des tronçons de murs percés d’ouvertures. Un dépotoir versé sur le niveau d’utilisation de la voirie a livré de très nombreux restes carpologiques, composés principalement d’ivraie enivrante (79%), de graines et de rachis de céréales, de plantes aromatiques et de fruits, etc. (résultats présentés dans Ros et al., publication en 2017).

Une large frange de terrain non fouillé sépare ces sondages du reste des vestiges mis au jour lors de cette campagne. L’agrandissement des autres secteurs a en effet confirmé l’amplitude des dernières réformes constructives. Un ensemble complexe, partiellement appréhendé (C-11), a été cloisonné lors de la mise en place d’un enclos de facture grossière qui condamne l’accès à certaines pièces, les rendant par là même inutilisables. Directement accolée à cet enclos se trouve une étable, pourvue de trois grandes mangeoires aménagées à même le sol, et dont la toiture était en partie soutenue par un pilier central (fig. 3). L’absence de niveaux de stabulation n’en reste pas moins troublante et peut rendre son identification sujette à débat.

Gilotte fouilles 3

fig. 3. Hypothétique étable avec au centre un trou de poteau servant de soutien au dispositif de couverture.

À l’extrémité orientale, les interventions visaient à compléter le plan de l’édifice C-9 attenant aux forges et dont on ne connaît toujours pas la totalité de l’agencement. Même si son entrée doit, selon toute vraisemblance, se localiser plus à l’est, au-delà des limites établies par les fouilles, il a été possible de documenter presque entièrement une nouvelle pièce (11m2) s’ouvrant sur la cour K (fig. 4). Trois murets maçonnés et parallèles flanquent son extrémité est, et il a été possible de restituer une banquette surélevée pouvant servir de couchage. À son pied s’ouvre une petite fosse-cendrier. Un petit foyer en briques cuites, encastré dans le sol en terre battue se trouve à l’opposé. Il était associé à un rejet de glands, suggérant une consommation humaine de ce fruit. Le mobilier recueilli renvoie principalement au travail du filage, avec un élément de quenouille et une fusaïole en os (fig. 5), ainsi qu’aux soins corporels ou cosmétiques avec deux spatules en alliage cuivre. Les fouilles ont également démontré que les pièces en enfilade situées à l’ouest du même patio K appartenaient, lors de leur dernière phase d’utilisation, à ce même édifice à la suite d’une réforme de leurs accès.

Gilotte fouilles 4

fig. 4. Vue zénithale de la pièce ouvrant sur la cour K, conservant les supports maçonnés d’une banquette surélevée, une petite fosse-cendrier et un foyer.

 

Gilotte quenouille 5

fig. 5. Élément de quenouille en os poli et travaillé au tour (restauration : X. Moreno Paredes).

Plusieurs sondages ont été ouverts dans des espaces antérieurement documentés afin de préciser leurs séquences stratigraphiques et de saisir les transformations qui ont pu les affecter. C’est ainsi que les niveaux antérieurs à l’aménagement de la pièce principale de la maison C-7 révèlent la présence d’un ancien lieu de travail du métal, tandis qu’un processus inverse a pu être enregistré dans une annexe de la forge nº1, où une grande structure de combustion, peut-être à vocation domestique, précède l’installation de l’atelier sidérurgique. Plus loin, c’est la privatisation partielle d’un tronçon de rue qui a été mise en évidence.

Dans le secteur sud-ouest, les fouilles extensives ont permis de délimiter un nouvel îlot bordé par une rue orientée nord-sud, confirmant l’extension du réseau viaire selon une tendance grossièrement orthogonale. Ce grand pâté de maisons est occupé par au moins deux édifices aux murs mitoyens (C-5 et C-6). Ces demeures (105 et 114 m2 utiles), les plus vastes documentées jusqu’à présent, se caractérisent par leur nombre limité de pièces et l’étendue de leurs cours (respectivement 58 et 66 m2). Leur similitude s’arrête pourtant là : alors que la première rend compte d’importants remaniements et de traces de spoliation préalables à son abandon définitif alliés à un mobilier –conservé– somme toute très modeste, la seconde délivre au contraire des indices matériels et architecturaux d’une position sociale plus élevée de ses occupants. Son vaisselier céramique, principalement concentré entre le vestibule d’entrée, la cour et la pièce principale, comprend entre autres formes entièrement préservées, un grand plat glaçuré (fig. 6) et une jarre avec une inscription de propriété. Les restes du corps inférieur d’un coffret, constitués de plaquettes d’os polies et d’une applique de fermeture en cuivre repoussé et doré (en cours de restauration) viennent s’ajouter à des fragments de tôle ajourée (brasero ?), des clous de tapissier, des garnitures de portes (ferrures, clous à têtes décoratives et cadenas) qui sont autant de vestiges des ameublements disparus.

Gillote plat 6

fig. 6. Plat glaçuré décoré d’arcs sécants et détail de l’empreinte d’une natte végétale tressée conservée à l’extérieur par carbonisation (restauration : X. Moreno Paredes).

L’inscription Baraka min Allah (« bénédiction de Dieu »), incisée sur une dalle de schiste apparue à hauteur du seuil entre la cour et l’entrée, s’inscrit dans une série de marques propitiatoires, telles le sceau de Salomon gravée à l’entrée du patio de la demeure C-2, destinées à protéger les lieux. Son style coufique évolué, avec des « cols de cygne » et des hampes aux terminaisons stylisées trahit une bonne maîtrise de la calligraphie (fig. 7).

Gillote inscription 7

fig. 7. Dalle de schiste ornée d’une inscription propitiatoire et détail du calque de cette dernière (13 x 3 cm).

Parmi les solutions architecturales originales adoptées dans cette maison, on notera le recours à des saignées verticales pratiquées dans un socle maçonné afin d’y insérer des poteaux, qui constituaient en quelque sorte un coffrage (fig. 8). Il s’agit d’une technique jusqu’alors peu répertoriée en al-Andalus, mais qui est bien connue dans l’architecture de terre mixte d’époques anciennes et qui consiste en l’insertion de montants de bois pour servir d’armature à la terre. Dans le cas présent, peut-être s’agissait-il de pallier d’éventuelles complications structurelles car ce mur porteur était non fondé.

Gilotte socle 8

fig. 8. Détail d’un socle maçonné interrompu par trois saignées, maison C-6.     

Dans la pièce principale, deux banquettes massives en terre, peu surélevées, se font face et occupent toute la largeur de chaque extrémité. Construites en terre et recouvertes d’un enduit partiellement préservé, leurs façades s’agrémentaient de deux saillants carrés entre lesquels deux colonnettes en terre –autrefois sans doute surmontées d’une planche en bois– formaient de petites niches peu profondes (fig. 9).

Gilotte banquette 9

fig. 9. Banquette est de la pièce principale de la maison C-6.

L’emprise de sa cour en partie protégée par un auvent (zone qui coïncide avec une concentration de graffitis et de jeux incisés sur les dalles du sol), l’ampleur de sa cuisine avec un double foyer et sa pièce principale dotée de banquettes élaborées, sans précédent dans le site, posent la question d’une utilisation collective, ponctuelle ou régulière (des assemblées ?), de cette maison.

On soulignera également que les niveaux d’incendies et d’effondrements, documentés dans la plupart des espaces fouillés cette année, ainsi que l’apparition récurrente de pointes de flèche rappellent les conditions brutales de l’abandon du site, qui intervient au milieu du XIIe siècle.

Sans chercher à surinterpréter ces données qui sont, somme toute, encore fragmentaires et quantitativement peu représentatives, une différenciation semble cependant se dessiner entre les secteurs les plus méridionaux et ceux situés vers le nord, sans nul doute en raison de la proximité de ces derniers avec la muraille. La mise au jour de trois ateliers métallurgiques au nord de l’aire fouillée incite à y reconnaître un quartier tourné vers les productions artisanales et commerciales. La zone sud abrite des demeures plus ou moins vastes dont certaines sont pourvues de très grandes cours centrales, tandis que l’ilot central accueille des édifices caractérisés par leurs surfaces plus réduites.

 

  • Archéobotanique.

L’apport de l’archéobotanique et plus largement, de l’archéobiologie à Albalat ne fait aucun doute[1]. Elle vise à restituer l’environnement naturel et à définir le poids de son anthropisation ainsi qu’à reconnaître les pratiques alimentaires, pastorales et agricoles de la population. Replacés dans une perspective comparatiste et diachronique, ces éléments autorisent à réfléchir sur les spécificités du site (conditions écologiques et historiques) et sur la continuité ou non des pratiques avec des périodes antérieures. Enfin l’archéobotanique permet d’identifier d’éventuels changements apportés par les populations arabo-berbères dans cette région. On ne présente ci-dessous que de courtes synthèses des études carpologiques et anthracologiques, compte tenu de la nouveauté de leurs résultats. En revanche, nous ne dédions pas ici, faute d’espace, de paragraphe à l’archéozoologie (J.A. Garrido García) qui est pourtant inscrite dans le cahier des charges scientifiques du projet : les restes d’origine animale (désormais au nombre de 44.059, contre 29.007 en 2015) inventoriés à ce jour confirment les grandes tendances enregistrées au cours des années précédentes.

 

  • Carpologie (Jérôme Ros)

Le volet carpologique développé à Albalat depuis la campagne 2014 a permis d’effectuer plus d’une centaine de prélèvements, tamisés au fur et à mesure des fouilles, à l’aide d’une machine à flottation (mailles de 500µm) (fig. 10). À ce jour, les 31 échantillons qui ont fait l’objet d’une analyse carpologique complète ont mis en évidence 4.706 carporestes (grains, pailles, fruits, semences de plantes sauvages, etc.) conservés par carbonisation et minéralisation. Ces carporestes permettent de restituer la palette végétale consommée à Albalat, qui repose sur 8 céréales (orge vêtue, blé nu, blé type dur, blé amidonnier, seigle, millets commun et italien, avoine), 3 légumineuses cultivées (gessette/gesse, pois, vesce), 2 plantes aromatiques (fenugrec, coriandre), le lin et au moins 11 fruitiers (vigne, figuier, grenadier, amandier, chêne, olivier, pêcher, mûrier blanc/noir, châtaignier, pommier/poirier et un possible prunier). Les échantillons issus du puisard ont donné, outre la confirmation de son rôle de latrine, des déchets d’origine fécale, constitués de semences ayant transité dans l’organisme sans être digérées (pépins de raisins, de figues, de grenades, de mûre, de pomme/poire) ainsi que des reliefs de repas et/ou déchets culinaires (noyau de Prunus, fragments de blé carbonisés). Dans les S1 et 3, les assemblages carpologiques suggèrent par ailleurs qu’une partie du nettoyage des récoltes (dépiquage, battage, vannage ?) d’orge, de seigle et de blé a pu avoir lieu à proximité ou directement au sein des habitats. Les sous-produits (pailles) issus du nettoyage semblent également avoir fait l’objet d’une réutilisation dans certains espaces, notamment dans des vestibules d’entrées des maisons C-1 et C-10, comme fourrage, litière ou encore combustible (fig. 11-12).

Gilotte tamisage 10

fig. 10. Tamisage par flottation.

Gilotte quercus 11

fig. 11. Détail d’une section transversale de Quercus ilex/coccifera (UE 3442)

Gilotte prunus 12

fig. 12. Section transversale de Prunus sp. (UE 5345).

Les mauvaises herbes de cultures identifiées au rang de l’espèce témoignent de la mise en culture de sols argileux compacts et de sols sablonneux filtrants, plutôt riches en nitrates. La plupart des adventices identifiées croissent sur des sols secs, ce qui suggère que l’agriculture pratiquée à Albalat était une agriculture sèche, n’ayant pas bénéficié d’une irrigation ou d’une proximité immédiate avec le Tage. Cependant, on note également dans un assemblage la présence de souchet long, plante hygrophile fréquente dans les milieux de type roselière ou sur les berges, dont la présence pourrait être liée à une exploitation située à proximité du cours d’eau (espaces jardinés, cultures de lin, voire de millets ?). La prédominance de messicoles hivernales et estivales suggère par ailleurs que certains taxons (blé, seigle, orge voire avoine ?) ont pu être semés à l’automne et d’autres (millets, voire orge et avoine) au printemps.

 

  • Anthracologie (Mónica Ruiz Alonso, IH-CCHS, CSIC, Madrid)

L’étude des macrorestes végétaux a porté cette année sur 32 nouveaux prélèvements par flottation de bois carbonisés de manière spécifique, provenant de 30 faits archéologiques différents. Un minimum de 14 taxons a été identifié, avec uniquement le genre Pinus sp. pour les conifères. Les arbres et arbustes feuillus sont représentés par l’aulne (Alnus sp.), des arbousiers et des bruyères blanches (Arbutus sp., Erica arbórea), des frênes (Fraxinus sp.), du houx (Ilex aquifolium), des légumineuses (Leguminosae), des Malvaceae, des oliviers plantés ou sylvestres (Olea sp.), des chênes à feuilles persistantes (Quercus ilex/coccifera, Quercus subgénero Quercus), Rosaceae (Prunus sp.), des saules ou peupliers (Salix/Populus) et des ormes (Ulmus).

Le chêne à feuillage persistant prédomine numériquement sur l’ensemble des unités étudiées, suivi par le bois de pin. Les taxons suivants sont les bois d’olivier/oléastre, d’aulne et de frêne, avec environ une centaine de fragments identifiés pour chacun. Dans des proportions inférieures, comprises entre 50 et 100 fragments, se trouvent Erica arbórea, Ilex aquifolium, Malvaceae ou les différentes Rosaceae. Les taxons restants, arbousiers, légumineuses, saules ou peupliers et ormes, ne font qu’une apparition anecdotique.

La faible variété de taxons détectés pourrait s’expliquer par la prépondérance d’importantes masses forestières constituées de chênaies et pinèdes qui offrent des combustibles et des bois de construction d’excellente qualité. Une telle abondance permettrait d’ignorer ou d’exploiter seulement à petite échelle la végétation des berges pourtant voisines (alors que le pin est peut-être plus éloigné) dont le bois est plus tendre, de combustion plus rapide et de moindre envergure et longévité. Ces mécanisme sélectifs de mode d'approvisionnement, qui restent toutefois encore à détailler en fonction des espaces et des usages, permet de cerner la question des boisements et des milieux exploités, l’économie du site et la gestion environnementale. (fig. 13).

Gilotte charbon 13

fig. 13. Restes de combustible (charbon) piégés dans la matrice d’oxyde de fer (Muestra ALB01)

 

  • Études métallographiques (Salvador Rovira Llorens)

La présence de plusieurs forges, associées à un volume abondant de scories, nous a incité à lancer une collaboration avec des chercheurs du CCHS-CSIC de Madrid pour mieux saisir la nature de ces activités et des techniques employées. Un premier échantillonnage a porté sur 4 scories « ferreuses » et sur deux alliages cuivreux. En dehors des deux dernières, qui attestent le travail et recyclage du cuivre, toutes les scories analysées renvoient à un même processus sidérurgique, qui intervient après la réduction du minerai (effectuée sur d’autres lieux, peut-être à proximité des mines). Il s’agit de scories obtenues lors d’opérations d’épuration, pour débarrasser la loupe de ses scories, puis de forgeage pratiqué dans les mêmes ateliers. Leur examen micrographique par microscope électronique à balayage permet de détecter au moins deux épisodes de formation. L’un, caractérisé par un épisode dans lequel la wüstite (FeO) prend un faciès dentritique, est un bon indice que la température atteint fréquemment les 1.200º C. Il s’agit de matériaux bien structurés, ce qui suggère des temps d’opération suffisamment longs pour permettre aux réactions de formation des phases minérales constitutives de s’achever. Cela démontre en outre qu’il ne s’agit pas travaux sporadiques mais bien d’une activité continue et habituelle.

  • Consolidation et restauration

Les travaux de restauration se sont centrés cette année sur la demeure C-2 (fig. 14) et devront être achevés avant de s’étendre au cours des années suivantes aux édifices C-6 et C-5 afin d’obtenir un échantillon spatialement cohérent, susceptible d’être mis en valeur au terme du nouveau quadriennal. Les protocoles d’intervention respectent les critères de préservation du patrimoine archéologique préalablement définis à partir d’un diagnostic des pathologies : intervention et impact minimums, réversibilité maximale, différentiation des niveaux archéologiques et modernes, compatibilité des matériaux sur le long terme. Ce travail a été mené sous la supervision d’un restaurateur expérimenté (X. Moreno Paredes), avec une équipe composée de six étudiants des écoles de restauration (ESCRBC) de Madrid, Valladolid et Avila. Ils ont également épaulé les archéologues dans les tâches d’extraction de mobiliers délicats qui nécessitent une consolidation et/ou un prélèvement en bloc. Ils ont aussi procédé à la consolidation systématique des objets métalliques, afin d’éviter leur dégradation (fig. 15).

Gilotte consolidatio 14

fig. 14. Processus de consolidation des vestiges in situ.

 Gillotte consolidation 15

fig. 15. Travaux de consolidation de mobiliers archéologiques.

  • Conclusion

En dépit de son extension réduite, Albalat peut être considéré comme un ensemble de singulière importance pour l’histoire d’al-Andalus en raison de la grande qualité des vestiges et du mobilier mis au jour. De plus, l’approche adoptée, qui fait appel à un large éventail de disciplines, cherche à approfondir les connaissances sur les conditions environnementales de cette petite localité. La poursuite du projet scientifique est essentielle pour nourrir et compléter ces enquêtes et pondérer avec rigueur certaines des hypothèses qui sont en train d’être développées. Pour cela, le nouveau programme qui est lancé pour les quatre prochaines années (2017-2020) viendra, à terme, étoffer les dossiers ouverts sur la guerre et les registres matériel et environnemental de la première moitié du XIIe siècle.

Gillotte muraille 16

fig. 16. Vue de la muraille nord qui fait face au fleuve.

 

[1] Les possibilités théoriquement offertes par la palynologie n’ont pas pu être mises à profit en raison de la dégradation des pollens (tests négatifs, mais qui devraient être répétés lors de la campagne 2017).

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
Felix ARNOLD

Summary

Madīnat az-Zahrā’ was the capital of the 10th century Umayyad caliphate in al-Andalus and is today one of the most important sites of Islamic culture in the west. A new project is dedicated to the investigation of the Plaza de Armas, the main public square of the caliphal city. The aim of the first season of field work was the investigation of the Great Portico, which delimits the Plaza de Armas in the west and forms the façade of the caliphal palace. Based on archival material and observations in the field, the building history of this part of the site was studied.
The main focus of the first season was the documentation of some 1200 building elements that had been recovered during the excavation of the Great Portico in 1974-1975. Among the elements recorded this season are column bases, shafts, capitals, imposts, modillions and glazed roof tiles which derive from a pavilion that had stood above the central nave of the Great Portico. Based on these elements, a detailed reconstruction of the portico can be proposed. Several building elements can be attributed to a second, previously unknown pavilion that must have been added to the portico by al-Hakam II.
In addition, a geophysical survey was conducted in the area to the east of the Plaza de Armas, in order to study the eastern limit of the plaza. The dimension and structure of several buildings could be determined. The results of the survey suggest that an audience hall stood to the east of the plaza, with a courtyard located in front at a much lower level.

General view 1

Fig. 1: View across the Plaza de Armas toward the Great Portico

Results of the First Season of work at Madīnat az-Zahrā’

Madīnat az-Zahrā’ is one of the most important archaeological sites of the Islamic culture in the western Mediterranean region. The city was founded in 936 CE by cAbd ar-Raḥmān III near Córdoba (Spain) as the capital of the Umayyad caliphate. Archaeological work at the site has so far focused mainly on the central palatial area. While the architecture of the palaces is thus fairly well known, the relationship between these palaces and the surrounding city has not been studied in detail so far. The aim of the current project is the archaeological investigation of a large public space which was located in front of the palace gate. Known from historical sources as the staging ground for military parades, public audiences and executions, the so-called Plaza de Armas has never been studied before. The investigation of this public space will not only add to the understanding of the overall design and evolution of Madīnat az-Zahrā’ as a caliphal city, but will also provide new insight into the relationship between the caliph and his subjects and the way the caliphal state was interpreted by the Umayyads by architectural means.

The first season of field work was dedicated primarily to the study of the so called Great Portico (gran portico), the only element of the Plaza de Armas known so far. The portico was excavated by Félix Hernández in 1974-1975 and partially restored by Rafael Manzano Martos in 1975-1982. The Great Portico functioned as the façade of the caliphal palace and constituted the western limit of the Plaza de Armas. It comprises a 120 m long arcade, composed of 15 arches, with a wide central arch that indicates the location of the main access to the palace. Above the central arch lay a pavilion from which the caliph could present himself to the people gathered in the public space.
Work conducted at the site in the past decades by Antonio Vallejo, a reevaluation of the existing documentation and a preliminary survey of the visible building elements suggest that the portico was not part of the original design of the city. In fact, at least five major building phases can be distinguished in this area of the site, providing valuable evidence for the reconstruction of the evolution of the city as a whole (Fig. 2).

 Arnold Plan 2

Fig. 2: Plan of the excavated area of Madînat az-Zahrâ' with building phases


Phase I (brown): At first the city appears to have occupied only part of the site, the back wall of the portico forming its eastern limit. The Plaza de Armas was originally located outside the city walls, as an open space in front of the palace gate.
Phase II (black): The main mosque was erected in 940-941 outside the original perimeter wall, to the south of the Plaza de Armas. At the same time the palace walls appear to have been reinforced.
Phase III (red): The city was later extended to the east by about 680 m and surrounded by a fortification wall with square towers. Inside the palace the famous Salón Rico and the great three-ailed hall were erected at this time. Inscriptions indicate that these buildings were under construction between 953 and 957. The great portico appears to have been part of this refurbishment of the palace, with the aim of creating a new palace façade.
Phase IV (blue): At a later stage some of the arches were blocked and office built inside the portico. A new gate was added in the northern wall of the Plaza de Armas, with a ramp leading down to the Plaza and providing a direct access from the outside. Building elements found in the portico suggest furthermore that a second pavilion or hall was erected above the portico. An inscription on a capital suggests that these changes were undertaken in the reign of al-Hakam II, possibly between 970 and 973.
Phase V (green): Additional structures were added later, before the site was finally abandoned and sacked in 1013.

 

Documentation of architectural elements

During the excavation of the Great Portico in 1974-1975 a large number of objects were found in the debris, including building elements, pottery and other small finds. Many hundred pieces from this excavation are now stored in the magazine of the museum of Madīnat az-Zahrā’. Additional pieces remain in boxes in a storage room at the site. Most of the building elements were registered in 1986 and given a number indicating their provenance (65 for the portico, 64 for the ramp leading up from the portico to the palace plateau in the west). The pieces now in the museum were given an additional inventory number, based on a new numbering system (34 for the area of the portico).
The main focus of the first campaign of the present project was the comprehensive documentation of these building elements. More than 1200 pieces were drawn, photographed, described and entered into a database. As far as possible existing inventories were integrated, providing additional information on the precise provenance of the pieces. The objects documented so far include 483 fragments of floor slabs, 27 fragments of thresholds, 14 column bases, 114 column shaft fragments, 44 capitals, 69 imposts, 87 voussoirs, 11 decorated wall slabs, 31 decorated frieze fragments, 6 modillions, 8 merlons, a door frame, a small arch, 74 window grills, 14 water basins, a fragment of a Cufic inscription, four fragments of Roman sculptures, several game boards and a large quantity of glazed roof tiles.
The building elements studied so far provide detailed information on the original appearance of the great portico. Many pieces can be attributed to the pavilion which stood above the central arch of the portico. These include fragments of bases, shafts and capitals of columns as well as imposts and modillions. At least seven column shafts of three varieties of pink marble are preserved, four of them nearly complete. The shafts have a diameter of 24.5 cm at the base and 21.5 cm at the top and are 187-191 cm long. Six almost complete capitals of white marble are preserved, two of Corinthian type, four of a composite type (Fig. 3). Including bases, shafts and capitals the columns were 2.32 m high. The diameter of the columns suggests that the columns were placed about 1.65 m apart. If the pavilion was as wide as the bay of the portico below its façade could have comprised a 5.2 m wide arcade divided into three bays (Fig. 4). The number of columns preserved suggests that at least two sides of the pavilion were furnished with such an arcade, possibly three or four sides.

 Arnold Capital 3

Fig. 3: Capital 34.24089, deriving from the pavilion above the Great Portico

Arnold Reconstruction column pavilion 4

 Fig. 4: Reconstruction of a column (left) and the pavilion above the central nave of the portico


The fragments of floor slabs found in the debris of the portico (find complex 65) are predominantly made of white marble, those found in the adjoining ramp leading to the palace (find complex 64) predominantly of white limestone. Since the floor of the portico was paved with yellow limestone and the ramp with pebbles, the slabs must derive from the upper floor. Quite possibly the pavilion above the portico was paved with white marble, the space above the ramp with white limestone. This space above the ramp could have served as an antechamber or a forecourt to the pavilion.
During the excavation of the portico a large quantity of glazed roof tiles was discovered. They are the earliest such tiles to be found in Spain. They probably derive from the roof of the pavilion. The tiles are of the traditional barrel type and were glazed on the exterior, on the interior, or on both. Sherds of a minimum of 52 tiles were documented, 44 glazed in green color, 8 in yellow color. The intention may have been to create a yellow pattern on a green background, possibly a Cufic inscription or a geometric pattern.
Several modillions found among the building elements suggest that the roof of the pavilion was supported by a cornice. The façade of the central bay of the portico would thus have resembled the design of the gates of the Great Mosque of Córdoba, with a wide arch below, an arcade above and a row of modillions at the top (Fig. 4). The prototype for both may have been the façade of the Alcázar in Córdoba. Historic sources indicate that an audience hall existed above some of the palace gates of the Alcázar. The overall design of the portico (Fig. 5) is reflected by some later building façades, including the façade of the palace of Pedro I at Seville.

Arnold Great Portico 5

Fig 5: Reconstruction of the Great Portico. Original design (below) and later transformation (top)


A number of building elements cannot be attributed to the pavilion known so far. These include at least three column shafts of gray limestone as well as bases and two capitals of white marble, all deriving from columns of a size significantly smaller than those of the pavilion. All pieces were found to the south of the central arch of the portico, either in the 11th or the 12th bay of the portico counting from the north. One fragment of a capital was inscribed with the name of al-Hakam II, with caliphal titles known only from the years 970-973. The pieces may originate from a second pavilion, which was added by al-Hakam II to the existing portico, possibly above the 11th or 12th bay (Fig. 5 top).
A significantly large number of window grills are found among the building elements (74 fragments recorded so far). Each grill appears to have been of a different type, much like those at the Great Mosque of Córdoba and in the Salón Rico. Many of the grills could derive from windows placed at the back wall of the portico, or in adjacent buildings. Some of the grills could originate from the pavilion, however, and could have served to close the bays of the arcades. The caliph may thus not have been visible to the public gathered in the square, while he himself would have been able to look onto the public space through the grills.
Interesting are several fragments of sculptures of white marble dating to the Roman period. Several pieces might derive from a sarcophagus that had been reused like other examples at Madīnat az-Zahrā’ as a water basin. The presence of a Roman portrait bust is more difficult to explain. The sculpture was possibly placed above the central arch of the Great Portico. Examples for this are known from the city gates of Toledo. Historic sources mention the sculpture of a female figure placed above the main city gate of Madīnat az-Zahrā’.
Overall the documentation of about half of the total material stored in the magazines was completed this season. The aim of the coming season will be to record the remaining half, thus providing a comprehensive documentation of all known building elements deriving from this part of the site.

Arnold Window grill 6

 Fig. 6: Fragments of a decorated window grill from the area of the Great Portico

Geophysical survey

The 120 m wide Great Portico constitutes the western limit of the Plaza de Armas. Aerial images and surveys indicate that the plaza itself was about 155 m long from west to east and was delimited on the side opposite the portico by a large, so far unknown building. In order to gain further insight into the structure of this building David Jordan of the University of Liverpool conducted a geophysical survey, using Electrical Resistance Imaging (ERI). ERI is a widely-used geophysical survey method in which an electric current is injected into the ground between pairs of electrodes and the potential difference it produces is sampled using further electrode pairs. By varying the location and distance between these electrodes it is possible to sample potentials produced in different volumes of the ground. Computerized numerical methods can then be used to reconstruct the 3-dimensional distribution of resistivity in the ground, within certain limits of depth, spatial resolution and confidence.
ERI surveys of complex, stony archaeological sites have proved able to distinguish volumes of intact masonry, rubble, soil and bedrock in three-dimensions and under a wide range of conditions. Thus, since two-dimensional ER survey has proved very effective elsewhere at Madīnat az-Zahrā’, there was good reason to favor ERI survey and to reject alternative methods to map the three-dimensional structure of remains around the Plaza de Armas. Difficulties were nonetheless evident. The complex surface topography across the area requires that ERI results are corrected for the changes in apparent electrical resistivity due to geometry alone. The abundance of stone within the soil, moreover, makes it difficult to insert electrodes between which measurements could be made – especially under the dry conditions at the time of this survey. Finally ERI is a much slower method than magnetometry and GPR. Thus the area which could be covered by a test-survey would naturally be smaller – or require more widely spaced samples.
In the first season David Jordan was able to study 12 profiles using ERI, up to 100 m in length each. The profiles provide information on the location, size and preserved height of several large structures located to the east of the Plaza de Armas. As expected, the buildings appear to be located on individual terraces. Directly to the east of the plaza lie two terraces, one in the north and one in the south (Fig. 7). The floor level of the northern terrace (about 194 m a.s.l.) appears to be not much higher than that of the Plaza de Armas (about 193 m a.s.l.), while the floor level of the southern terrace is much lower, about 5 m lower than the terrace to the north (about 188 m a.s.l.). The northern terrace is densely built over by thick masonry walls preserved up to a height of 2-4 m (red and orange in the profile), while the southern terrace appears to be occupied by a relatively open space. The size and layout of the terraces would suggest that the northern, upper terrace was occupied by a large audience hall, resembling in layout the great three-ailed hall to the west, while the southern, lower terrace by the corresponding courtyard. The difference in floor level between hall and courtyard is familiar from other audience halls, though a difference of the present magnitude – about 6 m – is known so far only from the Dar al-Jund, the earliest hall at Madīnat az-Zahrā’ known so far.

Arnold Profile 7

 Fig. 7: North-south profile east of the Plaza de Armas. Left, remains of buildings on a higher terraces, right, an open courtyard on a lower terrace

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
FRACHETTI Michael

The Qarakhanid Empire was the first Turkic nomadic state in Central Asia to adopt Islam, converting ca. 950 CE, yet little is known of their social organization, economy, or day-to day life on account of scanty historical records and the limited archaeological study devoted to Qarakhanid sites. The spectacular works of scholars, poets, and architects within the Qarakhanid realm produced some of the era's most iconic examples of Islamic literature, science, and architecture, including notable Islamic Silk Road monuments such as the Kalyan minaret in Bukhara (Uzbekistan) and mausolea in Uzgen (Kyrgyzstan). Yet the 'nomadic' character of the Empire’s rulership and economic structures complicates our understanding of their bureaucratic and political organization, since their way of life was suited to the needs of a society equally at home in highland mountain pastures as it was controlling lowland urban centers across Central Asia. With a direct hand in commodity production and trade along the Silk Roads, the Qarakhanids shaped Eurasia's largest nomadic empire before the Mongols, stretching their political and economic armature from Western China to the north of Iran and the Caspian Sea for more than 200 years (late 10th to 12th c. CE) (Golden 1990).

Paradoxically, however, very little primary archaeological evidence exists to reconstruct details about the Qarakhanid's nomadic strategies, social and economic diversity and integration, to their related innovations in architecture, urban planning, and industrialization. Fortunately, in 2011, an international team of archaeologists from Washington University in St. Louis and the Institute of Archaeology in Uzbekistan (led by the authors) discovered a new (7 hectare/17 acre) Silk Road town center buried high in the mountains of Eastern Uzbekistan (Frachetti & Maksudov 2014). Site ceramics gathered from archaeological sampling suggests that nomadic communities of the Qarakhanid Empire built Tashbulak in the late 10th/early 12th c. CE.

Tashbulak is currently one of the only known high mountain town centers constructed and occupied during the time of the Qarakhanid Empire, outside the lowland agricultural zones. The intellectual opportunity offered by this newly discovered urban center, high in the mountains of Ustrushana (Uzbekistan), provides an unique opportunity to examine early Qarakhanid art and architectural innovation, economic production, and social structure at the intersection of highland nomadic and lowland agricultural realms (Figure 1).

 

Fig 1 Tashbulak and the mountains of Ustrushana

Fig. 1: Tashbulak and the mountains of Ustrushana (Uzbekistan)

Archaeology at Tashbulak:

The mountain town of “Tashbulak” is located in a high elevation pasture zone of eastern Uzbekistan, at roughly 2100 meters above sea level (approx. 7500 feet). Site wide geophysical survey (sponsored by the National Geographic Society) revealed the dense architectural structure of the town center, which spans roughly 7ha at its core. Urban features such as a central mound (citadel), a large industrial workshop area, and a cemetery with over 350 individual burials all frame Tashbulak within a broader syntax of medieval urbanism and early Islamic conversion in the region.

Archaeological fieldwork sponsored by the Max van Berchem foundation began in June 2015. The primary goals of our 2015 archaeological campaign at Tashbulak were:

  1. To document the city’s scale and architectural character.
  2. To investigate the integration of Islam among the city’s population.
  3. To document the economic nature of the city (subsistence, production/consumption, trade) in terms of the local ecology and mountain resources,
  4. To explore the development of high mountain cities within the wider political landscape of the region.

 

Fig 2 The central building of the citadel

Fig. 2: The central building of the citadel

 

In 2015 our international team undertook targeted archaeological excavations of a portion of the residential structure on the citadel, a blacksmith workshop in the lower town, a midden, and five burials in the necropolis. Besides its architectural comparisons with other medieval cities (discussed below), our excavations documented the function and character of different parts of this highland town and provided preliminary data to discuss Tashbulak within the broader Qarakhanid political landscape.

The central building on the citadel was constructed with a stone foundation measuring 60-70cm wide and approximately 40-50cm high, based on a reconstructed height (Figure 2). Excavations of its outermost wall line did not, however, show defensive characteristics or buttressing. The recovery of typical 10-12th c. glazed pottery is in chronological agreement with coinage found at the site (below), and thus we place this occupation phase to the late 10th and early 11th c. CE (Figure 3). The overall form, location, and size of Tashbulak’s citadel structure conform to regional palace designs.

 

Fig 3 10 12th glazed pottery

Fig. 3: 10-12th c. glazed pottery


Our excavations of a metal workshop demonstrate the existence of iron working at Tashbulak, however there remain questions about the scale and diversity of metal and craft production. Qarakhanid coins excavated in the blacksmith workshop date Tashbulak as early as 975 CE, or roughly 25 years after religious conversion, suggesting Islam was rapidly and widely adopted across the Qarakhanid population (Figure 4). Abundant ceramics, slag, glazed fine-wares, a silver vessel (fragmented), glass, beads, and iron weapons/ tools together illustrate the diverse production and trade that fostered the city of Tashbulak.

Burial excavations demonstrate the occupants of Tashbulak were almost certainly Muslims, confirming that the city was built and occupied after the Qarakhanid conversion to Islam. Tashbulak burials (to date) reflect a common Muslim interment practice across gender and age ranges, thus we may speculate that religious conversion spread rapidly to the largely nomadic population in the highlands, living under Qarakhanid rule. Economically, the occupants of Tashbulak were engaged in herding of sheep and cattle as shown by archaeozoology and the recovery of coral structures – perhaps reflecting a stock market.

The archaeological results of our 2015 field campaign provide new data that is beginning the change how we understand the political, social, economic, and religious character of the first nomadic state in Central Asia to adopt Islam. Based on its architecture, planning, and archaeological remains, we argue that the site of Tashbulak as one example of a previously unknown form of highland urban centers built by nomads of the Qarakhanid Empire that served to integrate the economic and political structures of the Empire within the highland ‘nomadic’ realms of their territory.

 

Fig 4 Qarakhanid coin dating from 975 CE

Fig. 4: Qarakhanid coin dating from 975 CE

Conclusion and future work:

Historical scholarship typically situates the engine of the medieval Silk Road economy in the main urban centers of China, Central Asia, Iran, and the Middle East (Crawford 1953). Urban, agricultural, and mercantile populations turned cities such as Xian, Kashgar, Samarkand, Bukhara, Shiraz, Baghdad, and others, into major centers of population, political power, industry, and trade from the 8th-15th centuries. Nomadic pastoralist societies, on the other hand, are more commonly characterized as regional players whose political strength stemmed from extorting (and sometimes sacking) these Asian cities in order to gain short-lived geographic and economic control of segments of the Silk Road and its intervening territory (see Beckwith 2009).

Beyond the now deconstructed dichotomy between urban agriculturalists and (historically perceived) militant, mobile nomads, there remains a gap in archaeological data to assess the population geography, demographics, alternative patterns of urbanism and networking innovated by nomadic polities across medieval Central Asia. This lack of attention has led to a fundamental misunderstanding about the way nomadic polities and their institutions were integrated across diverse communities of Central Asia (but see Frachetti and Maksudov 2014). New discoveries in medieval archaeology – like the town of Tashbulak – now begin to show that Turkic nomadic polities, such as the Qarakhanids, shaped an alternative form of urbanism high in the mountains of Central Asia.

Perhaps the most exciting result in the 2015 field season was the discovery of a second high altitude city at « Tugunbulak », located only 3km from Tashbulak along the ancient road that we documented there. Although no work was yet initiated at Tugunbulak, our initial survey showed it is a large walled city (well over 30 ha in area) with at least 2 grand fortification towers. Surface ceramics correspond chronologically with pottery from Tashbulak.

The ancient nomadic towns at ‘Tashbulak’ and ‘Tugunbulak’ were founded as a political and commercial centers—likely in support of metallurgy—far outside the lowland agricultural zone. These sites provide the opportunity for one of the first in depth examinations of early Qarakhanid urban planning, economic production, and social organization along the Silk Roads in the early 11th century CE. The Archaeology of the Qarakhanids or “ARQ” project1 provides an opportunity for long-term, field-based research and training provided by the discovery of these new medieval cities in the high mountains of Uzbekistan. Our plan for work in the coming years, again funded by the Max van Berchem Foundation, is to continue research at both Tashbulak and Tugunbulak to provide an unprecedented understanding of this previously undocumented, high-altitude system of Islamic centers and to determine the role of the Qarakhanids in shaping the ideology, economy and political landscape of the medieval Silk Routes.

Michael Frachetti and Farhad Maksudov
Co-directors of the Archaeological Research of the Qarakhanids (ARQ) Project

 


References

Crawford, O.G.S., 1953. Archaeology in the Field, New York: Frederick A. Praeger.
Frachetti, M.D. & F.A. Maksudov, 2014. The landscape of ancient mobile pastoralism in the highlands of Uzbekistan, 2000 B.C.-A.D. 1400. Journal of field archaeology. Lawrence, Kan. : Maney Publishing. v. 39, (3).
Golden, P., 1990. The Karakhanids and Early Islam, in The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia, ed. D. Sinor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 343-65.

1 The wider ARQ project was funded in 2015 by a research grants from the Max van Berchem Foundation, Washington University in St. Louis, and the National Geographic Society. Logistical and institutional support was provided by the Institute of Archaeology of the National Academy of Science, Samarkand Uzbekistan.

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
MARTIN CIVANTOS Jose Maria

This paper shows the first results of the archaeological excavation at Pizzo Monaco (Custonaci, Trapani-Italy) thanks to the Max van Berchem Foundation support. Pizzo Monaco is an already known site that we had previously interpreted as a possible collective fortified granary dated in the Islamic period (10th-11th centuries). The site is a refuge place on the top of the calcareous peak of Pizzo Monaco. A trial excavation conducted in 2012 confirmed the high research potential of this settlement that was proposed to be a collective fortified granary (aghadir). The importance of the discovery is enormous, as it would be a unique case in Italy and the most ancient Islamic site of this kind in the western Mediterranean.

 

Pizzo Monaco location site and excavated area

Fig. 1: Pizzo Monaco: location, site and excavated area

 

The research has also been supported by ARPATRA and MEMOLA projects (www.memolaproject.eu) and authorised by the Italian authorities Sopraintendenza ai Beni Culturali ed Ambientali della Provincia di Trapani. This joined effort allowed the increase of the initial objectives, excavation capacity, research and public impact. It also provided the opportunity to perform scientific analysis and sampling in the field, as well as the implementation of cultural and social activities that reached the local community, increasing the visibility of our work.

The excavation is part of a wider landscape analysis that will allow a better comprehension of the historical relationship between humans and nature, by applying a diachronic analysis of the main social changes that have taken place in Pizzo Monaco. We understand that the first Islamic period represents a key milestone for the interpretation of this relationship, representing a significant case study to contribute to Medieval Islamic Archaeology in the Mediterranean region.

 

Pizzo Monaco rom the Baida Castle area

Fig. 2: Pizzo Monaco from the Baida Castle area

 

The intervention consisted in an extensive stratigraphical excavation of the aforementioned fortification in order to confirm the hypothesis of its identification as an aghadir, but also, trying to make an archaeobotanical and environmental analysis.

Our goal was to identify some historical topics corresponding to the Islamic period such as the material culture analysis (architecture, ceramic production, technical knowledge, etc.); peasant strategies for preserving means of subsistence; the internal social organisation; the organisation of work and accumulation processes; natural vegetation and agricultural production; the agro-pastoral system and its workflow; the process of Islamisation and Arabization, among others.

The fieldwork was carried out during October-November 20141. We are currently processing part of the samples obtained, including the archaeobotanical and chemical analysis, as well as soil studies and archaeological pottery data gathered during the excavation.

 

Excavated area 3D model

Fig. 3: Excavated area. 3D model

 

The research was coordinated by the University of Granada, scientific supervisor for the project, and carried out in collaboration with the following institutions:

  • Archaeology Department. University of Sheffield.
  • Archaeobonaty laboratory of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC)-Spanish School at Rome.
  • Earth Sciences Department. University of Palermo.
  • Arqueoandalusí. Arqueología y Patrimonio S.L.

Before digging, the botanists from the University of Palermo made a previous sample of natural vegetation inside and outside the site. This experiment has been very interesting to demonstrate the local influence of anthropic activity in biodiversity.

After that, the site was completely cleaned of vegetation before the excavation began so that we could complete an accurate graphic documentation with aerial pictures and a complete 3D photogrammetric model.

 

Possible guardhouse

Fig. 4: Possible guardhouse (Cells 43, 52)

 

For the excavation, the team opened an extensive area trying to organize the most difficult initial issue: the enormous amount of stones and the difficulty to walk. The first part to be excavated was the gate and the main medieval street, so that the rest of the operations (including the next campaigns and the visits) could be made.

The area was finally divided into two large sondages in order to document the deposit. We have excavated part of two streets and five internal structures. Most of them have been identified as probable storehouses, but the closest structure to the gate could have been a house for the guardian of the fortification.

The excavation has initially confirmed our hypothesis, but we won’t be able to ascertain it until we finish the analysis, including the pottery study. We have recovered an important amount of features, including a lot of earth that have been completely floated for the archaeobotanical analysis. Also the soil samples have been treated and divided for the chemical and the biochemical analysis in the labs of Palermo, Rome and Sheffield.

At the present moment all the data obtained from the excavation is being studied. A 3D model of the structures found is also being developed. Its interpretation will be critical to finally state that the structure excavated is a fortified collective granary.

The activity has also been very successful in terms of social impact. Following the Community Archaeology principles, we strongly believe that community engagement contributes to strengthen local identities, as well as to promote heritage protection and conservation strategies. Thus, we have contacted local associations and community groups, such as Sicilia Antica, Archeoclub di Castellammare del Golfo, Save the Castle of Baida or Grupo Archeologico Xaipè. Participants in these groups, have collaborated during the campaign, and have provided educational space to introduce t the aims of the project. Also the collaboration on behalf of the local authorities Sopraintendenza ai Beni Culturali ed Ambientali della Provincia di Trapani, has been critical for the success of community involvement.

 

Local school visits the archaeological excavation

Fig. 5: Local school visits the archaeological excavation

 

We have received visits from three secondary schools from the province of Trapani: Artist and Classic School of Trapani, Scientist School of Sciacca and the Castellammare del Golfo School. More than 220 students joined our guided visits at the excavation sites.

For educative and dissemination purposes we have made a documentary that explains the objectives and main activities developed. The documentary is in Italian, although we plan to translate it into English: http://www.memolaproject.eu/node/520.

In all those activities the Max van Berchem Foundation has always been mentioned as one of the main sponsors. Thanks to the excellent results and the new collaborations the team have decided to organize a new archaeological campaign at Pizzo Monaco. We are also planning some more outreach activities related to the excavation, but also for the anthropological, environmental and agronomical parts of the project.

José Mª Martín Civantos
Universidad de Granada

 


1 The archaeologists responsible for the intervention were José Mª Martín Civantos (director) Mª Teresa Bonet García, Rocco Corselli, Ana Ruiz Jiménez and Eneko Calonge Maestro

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
WHITCOMB Donald

Dr. Donald Whitcomb, editor of this publication, is looking for archaeologists willing to write articles on their work. This encyclopedia will present Islamic culture from the point of view of its material remains. The presentation of Islamic culture will concentrate on the lands of the Fertile Crescent, encompassing modern Egypt, Syria-Palestine, Anatolia, Iraq and Iran. Chronological limits will be one millennium, from 600 to 1600 A.D., from the beginning of Islam to the rise of modern nation-states. An examination of only the major monuments within these parameters is daunting and will be frustrating for the reader without a clear concept of the disciplinary focus, which is one of the aims of the encyclopedia. Therefore this encyclopedia will focus on the history of research on Islamic remains and specific entries will follow the research and publication of key Islamic sites.

Disciplinary parameters for Islamic archaeology may begin by drawing distinctions between archaeology and history and, more particularly, archaeology and art history. Archaeology, as defined here and by no means universally accepted, is a branch of history with its own research methods and evidential corpora. While historians rely almost exclusively on documentary evidence, archaeologists draw on aIl other categories of human artifacts, from ceramic bowls to town plans. Between documents and other artifacts there is an inverse relationship of quantity and specific meaning. Artifact study relies on comparison and normative relations in human activities; though less specific than documentary evidence, archaeology reveals often unrecorded and less obvious facets of a particular culture and even human society in general. No field of history, including Islamic studies, can feel so secure as to neglect information obtained from archaeological excavations.

Islamic art history is often confounded with Islamic archaeology, not unreasonably in that many early excavators were art historians by training. While there is often a significant overlap in subject matter, the art historian focuses on a artifact (monument or ceramic bowl) in terms of its specific aesthetic meaning for that culture and for art in general. The selectivity of aesthetic subject matter produces a special sort of history touching on philosophy and psychology. Needless to say, this is quite different from the economic and social orientation produced from other artifact categories. Text books on Islamic art history necessarily omit a wide range of information, ranging from non-aesthetic subjects to questions relative to less well-known monuments.

An Encyclopedia of Islamic Archaeology will contain historical information but will not duplicate the masterful "Encyclopedia of Islam" (Leiden, Brill, 1st ed., 1913-36, 2nd ed., 1954). Likewise the ready availability of art histories (Grabar, "The Formation of Islamic Art"; Diez, "Islamic Art"; Rogers, "The Spread of Islam"; et al.) will make aesthetic descriptions superfluous and copious illustrations unnecessary.

The method of entry selection deserves more explicit description. The main purpose will be to present the key sites from each geographic region, a selection based on importance to the development of Islamic archaeology. Excavations from the 1930s and more recent projects will be analyzed not only for specific results but with attention to theoretical background, methods, and purposes. For this reason, biographical sketches of early archaeologists will be included. One resultant advantage will be the presentation of a cumulative view of this field of study.

The core regions of Islamic culture are those of ancient Near Eastern development, that is, the two riverine systems of Egypt and Mesopotamia, the arc of Syria-Palestine, Anatolia inbetween and the eastern extension into Iran. Islamic history may be said to fill out this crescent with attention to the Arabian peninsula. Islamic archaeology must also consider a wider region, what the Muslim historians refer to as the Dar al-Islam, the territory once under Islamic administration. These include the Maghrib to the West (North Africa, Spain and Sicily), the land of the Zanj (east Africa), India and southeast Asia, and central Asia. The wider regions cannot be included with the same detail, though general articles are essential.

The artifacts of Islamic archaeology, beyond geography, reflect the cultural development of many disparate societies. It will be necessary to present certain categories of artifacts, e.g. ceramics (dearest to the hearts of archaeologists), glass, architectural decoration, etc. Other less traditional "artifacts" will also deserve entries, e.g. town planning, techniques of regional survey, etc. The intention, as mentioned above, is to define the parameters of a relatively new discipline.

Sorne caveats may be noted: a) publications in regional languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Turkish, Persian) will not be consistently included, even though one readily admits that excellent research is increasingly available in these languages; b) the vast resources of unpublished research cannot be included and allusions (or even recognition) may be inconsistent. Islamic archaeology is a rapidly growing field of evidence and such a synopsis will become an important tool for future research.

Additional information may be obtained directly from Dr. Whitcomb (The Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, 1155 East 58th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, U.S.A.).