ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
WHITCOMB Donald

The most recent excavations at Aqaba in 1993 concentrated on the Large Enclosure which was hypothesized to have been the Congregational mosque of Ayla, originally built by 'Uthman ibn 'Affan about 650. This structure encroaches over the Syrian Street, one of the axial streets of the original city. This alteration of urban street design suggests construction of the present remains in the early Abbasid period (phase B, 750-850 A.D.). This structure was part of the reconstruction of the city after the 748 earthquake. This inference from the plan is now confirmed with stratigraphic evidence.
Multiple layers of clean gravel floors were just below the present ground surface and the plan of walls and columns was determined only from their foundations. The column foundations were 3.5 m deep on the western side and surrounded with fill bearing Umayyad artifacts (phase A, 650-750 A.D.). Toward the East, near the wadi, the foundations were more limited (1.5-2 m deep) and running foundations suggest an earlier phase of building. The plan shows a broad courtyard with a peristyle colonnade around three sides (the eastern side must be imagined). The southwestern side has a second row of columns marking this as the covered part of the mosque. In the center of this southwestern wall was a deep niche, the mihrab. Numerous tesserae indicated that the inner face of this wall was once covered with glass mosaics.

 

excavations with the Congregational Mosque

D. Whitcomb. Ayla-Aqaba : 1993 excavations with the Congregational Mosque in the left foreground


The architectural features of the Large Enclosure are consistent with early mosques:
1. The size is within the most common range for urban mosques.
2. The building was a raised platform with at least 3 entrances, approached by stairways.
3. In the north corner was a square structure which might have served as a tower (or sauma'a, an early minaret).
4. The peristyle of columns has an additional row on the southwest side forming a covered area of two riwaqs, i.e., the sanctuary.
5. The multiple layers of flooring composed of clean gravel without any artifacts (except for a deposit of 6 Fatimid dinars in upper layers).
6. Finally, the single niche in the south wall, its form very similar to early Islamic mihrabs.
Yet one might hesitate to label this the Congregational mosque (masjid Jami') of early Islamic Ayla. The problem in this identification is the southwest orientation of the qibla wall; common qibla in southern Syria and Jordan is due south, and the actual direction of Mecca is slightly east of south. For various reasons, early mosques are often oriented incorrectly; for instance the mosque of Wasit was misplaced by some 34°. Another example of an excavated mosque is that of Qal'at 'Ana on the Euphrates, where the ninth century mosque had a qibla direction some 35° in error. Northedge suggests this orientation was due to a lack of space on the island. One might argue that, due to the configuration of the head of the gulf of Aqaba, southwest is the direction of the Arabian coast. More interesting is the possibility that the original mosque was given the same orientation as early mosques in northwest Arabia (the Hijaz). Nevertheless, in spite of numerous comparisons and speculative reasons, this qibla represents a variation to a strong Muslim tradition.

 

plan of excavations

D. Whitcomb. Ayla-Aqaba : plan of excavations at the Islamic site of Ayla


This mosque of Ayla, like others in early Islamic times, was more than a place for religious services. The mosque was the scene of public meetings and political ceremonies, it was the place where the qadi held court, and it was the center of education in the religious and legal sciences. This last aspect was particularly important in Ayla. From the eighth through the ninth centuries, Ayla was a major center for hadith studies. A local Ayli school developed around al-Zuhri, particularly his students 'Uqayl ibn Khalid and Yunis ibn Yazid, the heads of two prominent scholarly families. Interestingly, these scholars also did periodic duty as police (or city-guards) in Madina. Needless to say, these men also emigrated to the great cities of Jerusalem, Damascus, Fustat (Cairo), and the port of Alexandria. The mosque of Ayla was rather like the Stoa of Athens, a place of study and discussion among the columns. And like Athens, further archaeological research can only amplify our understanding of this social and intellectual milieu.

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
VARELA GOMES Rosa

The Arrifana Ribât, which we identified in 2001, was established by the sufi master Ibn Qasî in approximately 1130 and abandoned in 1151. It is considered by many researchers, who study the Islamic presence in the West, to be one of the most remarkable archaeological discoveries of the 21st century. Gradually, for some months once a year, the authors carry out archaeological excavations, aiming to understand this exceptional site not only using the field evidence but also through the possibility of crossing archaeological information with literary data. In July 2013 the Arrifana Ribât was classified as a National Portuguese Monument[1].

 

The Peninsula of the Ponta da Atalaia

Fig. 1. The Peninsula of the Ponta da Atalaia (Aljezur) and the exhumed structures of the Ribât of Arrifana.

 

To the east of the Peninsula da Atalaia (Aljezur) where the Ribât was built, a necropolis (maqbara) was recognised that was originally surrounded by the wall that enclosed the space of the Ribât, but also would have occupied the attached exterior space. Sixty-one graves were discovered, orientated northeast-southwest indicating a disposition to bury the corpses in lateral decubitus positions with the head directed southwest and the face turned southeast (Mecca), aspects that the recent digging of seven burial pits with osteological remains has confirmed. Nevertheless, three graves were oriented north-south, forming a group distanced from the other graves (Christians?).

 

Three mosques

Fig. 2. Three mosques, madraza and necropolis from Sector 4, with stelae (A and B), of the Ribât of Arrifana (after R.V. Gomes and M.V. Gomes).

 

All of the graves have a rectangular plan but are different sizes, some lying next to qiblas of mosques or the wall mentioned above. They are marked by very shallow tumuli bordered by low walls of stones and filled with earth, and in some cases, covered by rocks, namely white sandstone. The majority of the graves were marked by small anepigraph stone stelae (sahid), found erected in situ and two examples constitute exceptions as they contain long texts. Another grave (40) had only a very small schist plaque with an engraved name, possibly of the deceased (Uhmân).

 

View of the necropolis

Fig. 3. View of the necropolis (Sector 4) (photo M.V. Gomes).

 

One of these inscribed stelae (A) was found in the southern corner of a tumulus (grave 4), with three texts divided into eight lines. It contains information about the identity of the individual buried there, including his name, age at the time of death, the date of which this occurred, and phrases concerning his religious character. The main text was dated to 461 H./1069 AD, along with a small fragment of the Quran, written between 485 and 495 H./1094-1102 AD, and a small inverted word on the base of the monolith, perhaps from before 505 H./1112 AD.

It becomes difficult to know whether the epitaph, which was reused in more recent times than the date registered on the tombstone, was in situ at the site where the Ribât was built, or whether it was transferred there from a small village (qarya) located nearby. We should keep in mind that Ibn al-Hatîb (1313-1379) in the Kitâ amâl al-alâm[2] mentions the fact that Ibn Qasî had founded his Ribât in a qarya galla or important village[3].

 

Several views of the Ribat of Arrifana's necropolis

Fig. 4. Several views of the Ribât of Arrifana's necropolis (photos M.V. Gomes, 2013/2014).

 

The other epigraphed stele (B) was erected on the southeast side of grave 54, fixed to the ground with a crown of small stones that were intermixed and mortared with earth. It marked the grave of a man who died in 1148, probably from Ibn Qasâ's close circle or one of his murîdîn, killed in the battles against the Almoravids.

Thanks to the support of the Max van Berchem Foundation, this year we excavated seven of the graves identified (9, 43, 49, 50, 51, 54, 59) and their forms, dimensions, and positioning of the corpses indicate that they were buried in pits, deposited in lateral decubitus, with their arms gathered tightly to their abdomen and legs slightly bent. In this context, it is important to remember that the Prophet called for the simplicity and even absence of graves and the equality of all in death. One of the rules followed in building the tumuli states that these were not supposed to be more than one hand span in height.

 

Stele found in situ

Fig. 5. Stele found in situ (grave 54) (photo J.P. Ruas, 2013).

 

A building located in the north-eastern part of the necropolis provided a bench, storage for water, and a basin dug in the soil. The floor and walls were well coated with a paste rich in lime, that in our interpretation mainly based on parallels seen in modern day rooms for preparation of the dead, was the bayt al-janaez, the first of its kind to be identified in the former territory of al-Andalus.

Five of the human remains identified in the necropolis's excavation belong to adult male individuals, one to a child of approximately twelve years whose gender could not be determined, as well as one female, a young adult. No signs of violence were detected as a cause of death in any of them, nor severe bone trauma or infections.

According to the anthro-biological study performed, dental caries constitute the most common pathology. This is most certainly due to a lack of oral hygiene and diet. Cribra orbitalia was found in two individuals: the woman and the child, indicating a diet poor in vitamins and iron. Discartroses was observed in all of the mature adults often accompanied by osteoarthrosis and in one, even a case of osteomyelitis. Among the injuries caused by accident or conflit we can include a fracture of the first phalanx of the foot (grave 43).

 

Arrifana Ribat

Fig. 6. Arrifana Ribât. Work in progress (photos R.V. Gomes, 2014 and M.V. Gomes, 2014).

 

From this sample buried in the Ribât now under investigation, we can conclude that the population was short to medium in stature, unhealthy, and had a diet that was poor in iron and nutrients.

Both the architecture of the tombs in the necropolis of the Arrifana Ribât and the absence of the remains of cultural material, as well as the physical condition of those who were buried there and have been studied until now, show not only the difficult conditions they lived in but also the austerities associated with death.

The continuation of excavations and the study of structures, namely graves, along with the artefacts discovered will contribute to a greater understanding of the important historical period featuring Ibn Qasî and the community he founded.

Rosa Varela Gomes and Mário Varela Gomes[4]


[1] Mário Varela GOMES, "Ibn Qasî - Memória, do pensamento e acção, do mestre sufi da Arrifana", Al-Rihana, 2 (Aljezur, 2006), p. 17-44; Mário Varela GOMES; Rosa Varela GOMES, "O ribât da Arrifana, no contexto espiritual e político, entre o Gharb e o Maghreb", Congresso Internacional de História: Portugal e o Magrebe/ 4º Colóquio de História Luso-Marroquina, Centro de Estudos de Além-Mar/Centro de Investigação Transdisciplinar "Cultura, Espaço e Memória", Lisboa, 2011, p. 17-37; Mário Varela GOMES; Rosa Varela GOMES, "O ribât da Arrifana - Entre cristãos e muçulmanos no Gharb", Cristãos e Muçulmanos na Idade Média Peninsular. Encontros e Desencontros, Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa, 2011, p. 137-146; Rosa Varela GOMES; Mário Varela GOMES, "O ribât da Arrifana (Aljezur, Algarve): Resultados da campanha de escavações arqueológicas de 2002", Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, 7 (1) (Lisboa, 2004), p. 483-573; Rosa Varela GOMES; Mário Varela GOMES, "O ribât da Arrifana (Aljezur, Algarve): Resultados da campanha de escavações arqueológicas de 2003 - Sector 1", Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, 8 (2) (Lisboa, 2005), p. 471-533; Rosa Varela GOMES; Mário Varela GOMES, "O ribât da Arrifana (Aljezur, Algarve): Resultados das escavações arqueológicas no Sector 3 (2003/2004)", Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, 9 (2) (Lisboa, 2006), p. 329-352; Rosa Varela GOMES; Mário Varela GOMES, Ribât da Arrifana. Cultura Material e Espiritualidade, Câmara Municipal de Aljezur, Aljezur, 2007.

[2] Evariste LÉVI-PROVENÇAL, Fragments Historiques sur les Berbères au Moyen Age: extraits inédits d'un recueil anonyme compilé en 712-1312 et intitulé Kitab-Mafakhinr al-barbar, Éitions Felix Honcho, Rabat, 1934 (p. 286).

[3] António Borges COELHO, Portugal na Espanha Árabe, III, Seara Nova, Lisboa, 1973 (p. 252); David LOPES, "Os árabes nas obras de Alexandre Herculano", Boletim da Segunda Classe da Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa, 3(1), (Lisboa, 1910), p. 50-273; Christophe PICARD, Le Portugal Musulman (VIIIe-XIIIe Siècle), Maisonneuve et Larose, Paris, 2000 (pp. 93, 94).

[4] In addition to the authors of this text, the following are also part of the multidisciplinary research team for the Ribât da Arrifana: the Professors Miguel Telles Antunes and Pedro Miguel Callapez (Zooarchaeology), João Pais (Archaeobotany), Nathalie Antunes-Ferreira (Anthropology) and Carmen Barceló Torres (Epigraphy).

This project is sponsored by the Max van Berchem Foundation, established in 1973 in memory of Max van Berchem (1863-1921), the founder of Arabic epigraphy. Based in Geneva, the aim of the Foundation is to promote the study of Islamic and Arabic archaeology, history, geography, art, epigraphy, religion and literature.

 

Grave  Age  Sex  Height (m) Cranium Spine  Upper limbs  Lower limbs
 9 Mature
adult
? 1,71 caries discartrose ? ?
43 Mature
adult
? 1,66  

caries
granuloma
absess

discartrose  ? fracture of the phalanx
 49 Adult ? 1,49  

caries
cribra orbitalia

? ? ?
 50 Mature
adult
? 1,67 caries  

discrartrose
osteoarthritis

osteoarthritis

 osteoarthritisosteomyelitis
 51 Mature
adult
? 1,60 ?  

discrartrose
osteoarthritis

? osteoarthritis
 54 Mature
adult
? 1,65 caries ? ? ?
 59 child ± 12
years
? 1,28  

linear hypoplasia of tooth enamel
cribra orbitalia

? ?

 

Table 1. Overview of the anthropological information from findings in the Arrifana Ribât (after N. Antunes-Ferreira).

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
SPEISER Philipp

Depuis des siècles, Le Caire est la plus grande ville du Proche-Orient et de l'Afrique. Par conséquence, la capitale égyptienne possède un vaste patrimoine bâti datant du VIIe au XIXe siècles. Une période particulièrement riche en bâtiments est le règne des Mameloukes, de 1250 à 1518. Environ 250 édifices mameloukes, la plupart de caractère religieux, sont classés monuments historiques. Parmi ceux-ci, trois madrasas - celle du sultan Mansur al-Qalaun, construite en 1284/5, celle de son fils an-Nasir Muhammad, construite de 1295/6 à 1303/4, et la madrasa de Barquq, construite en 1385/6 - forment un ensemble spectaculaire. Elles longent la qasaba, la Sharia Muizz li-Din illah, et se situent du côté ouest de la rue, occupant partiellement l'emplacement de l'aile ouest du palais fatimide.
La madrasa d'an-Nasir Muhammad est sans doute la plus modeste des trois du point de vue de ses dimensions. Par contre, le décor en stuc recouvrant le minaret et le mihrab, d'une qualité rare en Egypte, lui permet de rivaliser avec des constructions du Maroc, d'Espagne et d'Iran. Le deuxième élément remarquable, son portique gothique en marbre, provient de la cathédrale de St-Jean d'Acre qui a été construite par les Croisés et détruite par les Mameloukes vers la fin du XIIIe siècle. Le bâtiment est bâti sur un plan cruciforme classique avec une cour intérieure à laquelle sont adossés quatre iwans et, dans son angle nord-est, le mausolée prévu pour le Sultan mais occupé seulement par certains de ses enfants. Le minaret surplombe l'entrée du complexe.

 

Vue de la cour d ablutions

P. Speiser et G. Nogara. Madrasa d'an-Nasir Muhammad au Caire : Vue de la cour d'ablutions


Le monument a attiré aux XIXe et XXe siècle la curiosité de plusieurs chercheurs, dont Max Van Berchem qui en a relevé les inscriptions à la fin du XIXe siècle.
Nous avons participé à la dernière grande restauration de la madrasa qui remonte aux années 1984 à 1987. Pendant ces travaux, nous avons effectué des sondages archéologiques et nous avons relevé la présence d'un système de canaux souterrains et d'un grand bassin au centre de la cour. Ces éléments nous ont amenés à former l'hypothèse que la madrasa possédait un système hydraulique très élaboré. Le centre de ce système devait être une cour d'ablutions, indispensable pour le fonctionnement d'un tel bâtiment. Nous supposions qu'elle se trouvait dans l'angle sud-ouest du site, longtemps inaccessible en raison de vestiges en ruines datant du XIXe siècle.
Après avoir obtenu une autorisation des autorités égyptiennes, nous avons réussi à dégager en deux campagnes de fouilles (novembre 1998 et mai 1999) la cour d'ablutions et quelques vestiges annexes. Elle suit un schéma traditionnel : une cour ouverte avec un bassin octogonal au centre, entourée sur trois côtés d'une série de cellules. Nous avons pu constater qu'il en existait deux types : le premier contenant un canal d'eau propre était destiné à la toilette, le deuxième était utilisé uniquement comme latrine.
Ces deux types de vestiges sont placés au-dessus des canaux souterrains. Ces derniers sont construits en brique et recouverts de dalles en calcaire. Leur position par rapport aux cellules nous indique clairement qu'il s'agit d'un système d'évacuation d'eau. Comme ils se situent à une certaine profondeur et que des vestiges antérieurs à la madrasa s'intercalent entre les restes mameloukes et ce système souterrain, nous nous posons les questions suivantes : ce système n'a-t-il pas été conçu pour un bâtiment d'une période antérieure, ayyoubide ou même fatimide? S'agit-il d'une installation liée à un bâtiment ou des éléments d'un réseau urbain?
Avant de pouvoir donner une réponse définitive, il nous faudra obtenir des informations supplémentaires d'ordre historique, stratigraphique, etc. Mais, nous pensons que nos observations apportent des éléments nouveaux sur le fonctionnement d'un élément essentiel des madrasas : les installations sanitaires. Jusqu'à présent, les différentes fonctions des cellules entourant les cours d'ablutions n'avaient jamais été évoquées.

 

Minaret

P. Speiser et G. Nogara. Minaret de la madrasa d'an-Nasir Muhammad au Caire
(archives Max van Berchem)


Un rapide survol de la littérature nous a confirmé que les installations d'eau n'avaient été étudiées en détail que dans le cadre des hammams. Il n'est pas étonnant que ce genre d'installation ne reçoive que peu d'attention. Mise à part l'absence évidente "de charme des lieux", l'érosion par l'eau a nécessité la fréquente reconstruction des installations, altérant leur aspect primitif; de plus, l'introduction du réseau public d'eau potable au XIXe siècle a souvent conduit à leur transformation presque totale. Dans le cas présent, par contre, la cour d'ablutions n'a plus été utilisée après la deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle et, par conséquence, n'a pas été modifiée.
Cette caractéristique nous donne d'abord la date à laquelle la madrasa a cessé d'être utilisée comme lieu de culte et nous permet d'analyser des installations dans leur état d'origine.
Le deuxième sujet d'étude, le réseau primitif d'égouts, dépasse clairement le champ du monument individuel et touche aux éléments urbanistiques de la ville du Caire. Etant donné le grand nombre de descriptions de la ville, nous nous sommes demandé pourquoi ce genre d'installations n'a jamais été mentionné. Notre conclusion est la suivante : il est bien attesté historiquement que le Caire ne possédait pas de réseau public de distribution d'eau potable avant la fin du XIXe siècle, à part les fameux aqueducs de la citadelle et celui mis récemment en évidence à al-Fustat; cette absence écartait donc aussi l'existence d'un système de récupération des eaux usées.
Même si nos investigations sont seulement ponctuelles, elles démontrent clairement la richesse archéologique du Caire et l'importance de multiplier les activités de fouilles sur ce site fortement menacé.

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
TONGHINI Cristina

This project was set up in order to collect new evidence (both archaeological and textual) on the character, origin and evolution of Islamic fortified settlements in Bilad al-Sham. The research focused on a single site, which can be considered highly representative in many respects: the castle of Shayzar.

So far, Progetto Shayzar started with a first season of fieldwork, which took place in March-April 2002. A specific study on the archaeological evidence of the site, which also included a survey of the written evidence, was carried out by Max van Berchem and Edmond Fatio and it was published in their Voyage en Syrie (Cairo, 1914, pp. 177-188). This important work provided a basis for setting up our project, and already addressed several research topics to be developed; their photographic and graphic recording of the site is also of great relevance to illustrate a number of substantial elements, which have now disappeared.
Shayzar lies on the western bank of the Orontes river, in central Syria. It can be regarded as one of the best surviving medieval landscapes (Fig. 1). It is exceptionally well preserved: no longer settled, it is basically untouched by recent urbanisation and modern restoration is fairly limited. Some of the buildings are preserved up to the level of the second storey, including the roof. At first sight already it appears clear that the castle today is the result of a number of different building phases spread along a wide span of time.

 

General view of the castle

Fig. 1. General view of the castle from the E-NE. Complex CA1 can be seen on the far left.

 

Various elements indicate that Shayzar is an ideal choice to investigate a number of important research topics. According to the written sources discussed in the specific literature, the town of Sizara already appeared in the Amarna tablets; the Seleucids are reported to have reoccupied the town in the 4th century under the name of Larissa; it recovered its original name in the Roman period, while in the following Byzantine period it became Sezer. The precise location of this ancient settlement, however, has yet to be established. An early fortification is mentioned in relation to the Byzantine period in the second half of the 10th century; major building works are then attributed to the Banu Munqidh family after 1081. This phase should have come to an end with the earthquake of 1157, which was followed by an important restoration phase carried out by Nur al-Din. The castle then passed on to the Ayyubid and Mamluk sultans. A last restoration phase is attributed to sultan Baybars in 1261.
The above occupational history of the site clearly needs further investigation. However, it is clear that the archaeological evidence preserved on the site may shed new light on the evolution of settlement from Ancient Times to the Middle Ages, and especially on the origins and evolution of fortified settlements in the Near East.
Moreover, unlike other castles in the area, Shayzar was never settled by the Crusaders: its remains therefore represent an extraordinary archive for the local Islamic tradition of military architecture.
Some of the written sources dealing with the site are also quite exceptional: a version of the memoirs of Usama, a member of the Banu Munqidh family, survived and it provides a lively portrait of the time of the Crusades.

Methodology of the archaeological investigations

During this first phase, the field methodology consists in investigation methods that characterise Landscape Archaeology and, more specifically, the Archaeology of Masonry. It provides a detailed stratigraphic analysis of the various buildings and illustrates the sequence and the dynamics of the occupation of the site. At the same time, the data collected produces a series of documented references related to building techniques applicable to the study of other fortified sites in the area. For example, specific Masonry Types could be arranged in a precise archaeological sequence: Type 5A, of Period V, allows to date very precisely the introduction of smooth rustication combined with columns used as headers, i.e. the year 1233.

More traditional stratigraphic excavations could also be included in the field strategy, but only to solve specific questions arising from the investigations of aboveground evidence. They could also be employed to assist future operations of structural consolidation.
Furthermore, the archaeological and historical research can also be regarded as a first step towards a broader project aiming at the mise en valeur of the site. The detailed archaeological documentation collected will provide an essential database to address appropriate consolidation work.

Results

This first season of archaeological investigations carried out in March-April 2002 confirmed Shayzar as an ideal site for investigating the research topics envisaged by the project.

Operations on location can be summarised as follows:

  • General archaeological survey of the site to identify the various periods of occupation and detail the general strategy of present and future research;
  • Acquisition of data for the general 3D mapping of the site (D-GPS and Total Station survey);
  • Archaeological study of one of the major architectural complexes identified on the site, the southern complex (CA1: CF 1, 2 and 3);
  • Architectural survey and drawings of the CA1 complex; rectified photography of the relevant prospects.

Complex CA1

Results have shown the richness and the articulation over time of the archaeological deposits stretching along a very wide span of time, from Antiquity to the late Ottoman period. The sequence identified with the analysis of complex CA1 includes eight different periods. Period III and Period V can be dated in absolute terms, on the basis of inscriptions, to the Nurid and to the Ayyubid periods respectively. The other periods can only be dated in relation to Periods III and V.

Complex CA1 as it appears today consists of three different buildings: CF1, CF2, and CF3, well defined in the stratigraphic sequence and in terms of building techniques employed. Other structures from previous phases appear to have been included in these three buildings (Figs 2, 7).
Period I (in CF1 only): building of a monumental gate that was re-employed and transformed in later periods (Fig. 3, 4). The masonry is built in large ashlar blocks of stone, with dressed surface and regular dimensions (h 36-40; l 46-120; Masonry Type SHZ1). The masonry alternates stretchers and headers in the course on both faces of the wall, with no core.

 

Complex CA1

Fig. 2. Complex CA1 from the E, at the edge of the artificial ditch that isolates the castle.

 

Period II (in CF1 and CF3): erection of walls related to at least two different structures which were later included in CF1, Period III, and in CF3, Period VI (Fig. 2, 6, 7). One of these walls is bonded to a glacis.
Walls of Masonry Type SHZ2 are made of both hewn and squared blocks (h 43-50 cm; l 39-120 cm) laid in parallel, approximately horizontal, courses; wedges are used in the joints but especially in the vertical joints. A large number of the blocks of this Masonry Type are re-employed. Columns which were transversally laid in the walls and visible in the external face are also used occasionally as lacing elements; differences in shape, size and material may indicate that they were spolia from pre-existing structures.

 

Plan and sections of complex CA1

Fig. 3. Plan and sections of complex CA1.

 

Period III (CF1): building of CF1, making use of pre-existing structures of Periods I and II. CF1 is a two-storey building, with an entrance from the north: it gave access to the first storey of the building or to the second storey using a staircase on the eastern side (Fig. 3, 4). The masonry of Period III is characterised by the use on both faces of massive roughly hewn blocks (h 40-45 cm; l 50-73 cm), laid in courses, with abundant mortar and a very high number of wedges used either between the joints and on the surface (Masonry Type SHZ3). Structural elements, such as piers, pillars and brackets, are made of hewn blocks laid in mortar; a number of these blocks seem to have been re-employed, and the surface is re-dressed in several cases.

 

building CF1

Fig. 4. Complex CA1, building CF1, from the N.

 

Period IV (CF2): first attempt at building CF2, only preserved on the northern front (Fig. 5). The external face of this wall is composed of hewn blocks of large dimensions, laid in mortar, with smooth rustication, bonded to a core of rubble and mortar; a significant quantity of small wooden wedges are used in the bed-joints (Masonry Type SHZ4).

 

building CF2

Fig. 5. Complex CA1, building CF2, northern front, with the dated inscription.

 

Period V (CF2): building of CF2; CF1 was clearly still in use and was providing access to CF2 (Fig. 3, 6). The masonry is characterised by the use of squared blocks with smooth rustication on the external face (Masonry Type SHZ5); the internal face shows a well-dressed and even surface without rustication. Transversally laid columns, used to increase statics and stability, appear in the courses according to a specific building programme: in a layer just below the floor level and in correspondence with the brackets and the corbels of the internal vaulting. These columns are slightly projecting on the external face, and they cross the entire section of the wall, since they reappear on the inner face; they do not project from this inner face. Wedges are used to lay these columns in the courses. Not only these columns, but also a large number of blocks seem to have derived from a re-cutting and re-dressing of spolia material.

 

buildings CF2 and CF3

Fig. 6. Complex CA1, buildings CF2 and CF3, southern front.

 

Period VI (CF3): building of CF3, incorporating the whole of CF2. It is not clear whether building CF1 was still in use. Entrance was possible directly from CF3 (Fig. 2, 3, 6, 7). The masonry on the southern, eastern and northern external fronts is characterised by the use of squared blocks with smooth rustication on the external face, as in the case of CF2 masonry (Masonry Type SHZ5). Differences can be detected in the use of longer blocks on the external front (Masonry Type SHZ 5C), mainly in correspondence with internal floors, and in a more extensive use of columns, following the same programme already noted for CF2.
Periods VII-VIII: minor interventions, decay and abandonment of complex CA1.

 

Elevation with stratigraphic analysis of CF2 and CF3

Fig. 7. Elevation with stratigraphic analysis of CF2 and CF3, southern front, external.

 

Dated inscriptions allow relating two of the archaeological phases identified on the site with events mentioned in the sources. Period III can be related to Nur al-Din; at the entrance of CF1, one inscription is reported to have mentioned the name of Nur al-Din and the incomplete hijri date " five hundred and fifty… ". At present, the inscription is badly eroded, but further examination will be attempted to document this very important piece of evidence which allows attributing Period III to the restoration of the site carried out by Nur al-Din after the earthquake of 1157 (and before 560/1163-4).

Period V can be ascribed to the year 1233: an inscription states that it was built by the Ayyubid prince of Aleppo, "al-Malik al-'Aziz Ghiyath al-dunya wa-l-din Abu-l-Muzaffar Muhammad" (613-634/1216-1237), on "the 21 Dhu-l-Qa'da of the year 630" (29 august 1233).

Because of its masonry, Period I may belong to the Antiquity; if this is confirmed by further evidence, it may clarify the location of the classical town. Period II as studied in complex CA1 may well be attributed either to the 10th century Byzantine fortification, or to the 11th-early 12th century fortification of the Banu Munqidh. If the latter is the case, the major destruction that the building of Period II has suffered may be attributed to the earthquake of 1157.

The post-Ayyubid phase is related to the restoration works carried out by sultan Baybars in 1261; it is likely that the building of CF3 (Period VI) should be attributed to the early Mamluk period, either to that of Baybars, or to the restoration carried out by Qalawun. An in situ inscription mentions a date related to this last major phase: the year 1290. . Only continuation of the work will allow placing the various identified phases in absolute terms.

Progetto Shayzar has just started. However, the research has contributed already at this stage towards establishing a sequence of the various masonry types observed in one of the major complexes on the site. Continuation of this work will allow to extend the same kind of analysis to the entire settlement: it will be possible to illustrate the dynamics of the occupation of the site organised in a chronological sequence, to understand the characteristics of the various castles that have been built on the site and the evolution of military architecture in the region.
This evidence will be essential to correctly address the mise en valeur project envisaged by local authorities on the site.

Cristina Tonghini
Università Ca' Foscari di Venezia
Dipartimento di Studi Eurasiatici

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
SMITH Laurence

Introduction

The site of Suakin lies on the Red Sea coast of Sudan about 60 km south of present-day Port Sudan. It is important through having been the main Red Sea trade port for inland Africa throughout the later Mediaeval and early modern periods, with links from Scotland to China. It was a major port for the Hajj, and formed one of the nodes in the Indian Ocean and Red Sea trade network at least as early as 10th-12th century AD. Architecturally, the site is significant, since it comprises the remains of a complete town built in the local coral, forming one of the few remaining examples of the 'Red Sea' style of architecture.

The Suakin Project, has been underway as a project of the Sudanese National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums since 2002, under the overall direction of the Director-General of Antiquities, with field-directors from Britain. The project involves the study of history, archaeology and architecture, together with a programme of building restoration and community outreach.

Summary of the history of the site

Currently, earliest possible identification for a port at Suakin proposed is with Evangelon Portus, of Ptolemy, from a 2nd century AD account. Probably the earliest true historical reference is from the Arab historians and geographers of the medieval period. However, Suakin became the main trading port on the Sudanese coast following the decline of an earlier port, (Aydhab) to the north during the 15th century. In the early 16th century, the Ottoman forces advanced down the coast, following the conquest of Egypt 1517, and Suakin became an Ottoman port. Suakin continued as a port for through to later 19th century, having a final period of great flourishing and prosperity (with concomitant building and re-building) following the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, but this was relatively short-lived; with decision to open new port Port Sudan, further north along the coast, in c. 1903, Suakin declined, until by 1920s, it was largely uninhabited (Mallinson 2012, 159-170).

Summary of sites investigated

The area comprises the Island Town of Suakin, the mainland town (Geyf) and Condenser Island. Most work has concentrated on the Island Town, but surveys and test excavations have been carried out on Condenser Island and on the mainland. On the Island Town, several areas have been investigated, of which the most significant are: Beit el-Basha; the Shafai Mosque, the Muhafaza (Governor’s Residence), the Beit 'Osman Digna' and Beit Khorshid Effendi (see Figure 1).

 

Plan of Suakin Island Town

Figure 1. Plan of Suakin Island Town showing main locations investigated.

 

Beit el-Basha: This is located near the centre of the island. The house has two courtyards, and rooms including diwan and dihlis. Trenches and soundings, in courtyards and in some of rooms, provided the first evidence found for the existence of stone-built structures pre-dating those until recently standing, and showed the existence of a depth of stratigraphy in the centre of the Island. Subsequent area excavations to the south-west of the Beit el-Basha, in 2006 and 2007, provided evidence 3.1m depth of stratigraphy. This included a 19th-century cistern and much 18th-19th century pitting, but also post-holes from timber, probably round structures. Stratigraphy indicated that this building tradition was not simply replaced by that of stone building, but that the two types of structures overlapped for a period in the 16th century, at least.

Evidence was obtained for the space having been an open cooking area over several hundred years, likely to have been related to the adjacent souk. Occupation here extended to the early 11th or late 10th century AD, as indicated by 14C. This forms one of most significant discoveries of the archaeological work, since this is likely to be currently the longest largely continuous sequence so far discovered along the Sudanese Red Sea coast (Breen, et al. 2011, 205-220).

Shara’i Mosque: Excavations in 2004 at eastern end showed the first indications of earlier structures beneath the present structure. Excavations 2007 in centre of open court found a rectangular pier or base and the top of round base or pillar extending down c. 60cm; this was sitting on or in rectangular feature, seemingly outlined in plaster, with a plaster floor appearing. The nature of this structure remains unclear (Smith et al. 2012, 175). In 2010, excavations were made at three locations within the Mosque: the interior (EE-Trench 1) and exterior (EE-Trench 2) on either side of the east wall, and the central portion of the south arcade. These excavations produced further sequences of well-defined occupation layers, (36 layers in EE-Trench 1), extending to the water-table or to bedrock (Figure 2). 14C samples taken from several charcoal-rich contexts in both locations gave a late 13th century beginning to activity on this part of the site, including construction work on the mosque, which may, therefore be one of the earliest in Sudan, predating the Mosque at Old Dongla (early 14th century). Restoration work was carried out on the main walls of the Mosque in 2010.

 

Shafai Mosque interior

Figure 2. Shafa’i Mosque interior test-pit at east end, showing multiple occupation layers
(Photo. L. Smith).

 

Muhafaza (Governor’s Residence): Excavation was undertaken within the courtyard of the Muhafaza (Figure 3) with the aim of determining whether any earlier occupational levels may have existed before the extension of the building in 1870s. A trench 2m x 1m was dug in the centre of the courtyard, reaching a depth of 2m before encountering the present water-table. Phase 1: the present day Muhafaza, comprising floor slabs, mortar foundation and infill over a sandy base. Phase 2: a layer of compact coralline material, which formed a floor level and infilled two ditches cut from a previous phase. Phase 3: successive layers of activity from which a great deal of pot and bone fragments were obtained. This phase contained a structure (062) with a wall running east-west and midway another running north-south. Phase 4: along the north-east and south section there was an area comprising several thin layers which were cut through by successive pits. Currently, structure (062) is thought to be 17th to 18th century in date, while the area thin layers and pits represents medieval occupation. This was the first time such early layers have been found relatively close to the present edge of the Island Town (Smith et al. 2012, 177-178).

 

The frontage of the Muhafaza

Figure 3. The frontage of the Muhafaza, the Governor’s Residence
(Photo. M. Mallinson).

 

Beit ‘Osman Digna’: This is situated in the south-west quadrant of Island Town where we had not worked prior to the 2008-9 season. It appeared to be sited on a boundary between the original coral atoll, and the later artificial build-up around the perimeter. The site comprised a house, associated with the local Mahdist leader Osman Digna, a small triangular courtyard, and small mosque. In the post-medieval period two structures were built, subsequently levelled for the construction of the mosque by the 19th century. A trench across the street in front of the house, excavated to c. 2.2m depth, exhibited five phases of activity. (Smith et al. 2012, 178-179).

Beit Khorshid Effendi: This was both the first and the most recent building investigated, being a prime candidate for restoration, since its diwan walls survive to roof level on one side, and it is architecturally significant, with elaborately decorated plasterwork in the diwan. Restoration of this section of the building is on-going. Work in 2002-2010 concentrated on the diwan, the main block of the house and the rear courtyard, revealing a more detailed plan than that published in the best-known account of the architecture of the town by Greenlaw (1995), and a developmental history of the structure can be proposed (Phillips 2012, 189-198). For example, several small rooms, and a hamam were discovered. This site is remarkable for the remains of wooden structures surviving, especially timber from the main roshan, which collapsed outwards with the fall of the upper portions of the front wall. Rawashin were formerly a significant feature of Suakini architecture, sometimes being quite elaborate (Mallinson et al. 2009, 477-479).

In 2012 and 2013 excavation of the Beit Khorshid Effendi forecourt was undertaken. An area covering 9.7m x 11.55m, revealed two structures preceding the BKE. The earlier survived only as a short stretch of coral-built wall. The long, relatively narrow, rooms of the second structure indicate it may have been a magazine for storing off-loaded goods (Figure 4). Probably when building or extending the BKE, the structure was demolished to its lowest course, the rooms infilled and the blocks used to raise the area near the shoreline to a similar level. Later activity comprised the digging of small pits and a slightly irregular ditch, and possibly burning fires. Samples for soil-micromorphology study of strata and coral plaster surfaces were obtained from re-excavation of a 2012 test-pit in BKE, and excavation south-west of the Shafa'i Mosque.

 

Beit Khorshid Effendi

Figure 4. Beit Khorshid Effendi excavations in forecourt 2013, showing remains of walls of probable store-rooms, and part of the area of laid blocks by the shoreline
(Photo. L. Smith)

 

Progress was made in recording small finds in various materials from the current and previous seasons. In addition to the usual imported and indigenous ceramics, study focused on the blown glass, 19th century glass medical bottles and military accoutrements, together with further wood conservation and recording. The construction of a typology for the hand-made ceramics was completed, forming the most extensive and continuous pottery sequence, to date, for the Sudanese stretch of the Red Sea coast.

The trading links of the port

Ceramics have provided evidence for the most wide-ranging contacts of Suakin. European historical accounts, combined with the archaeological ceramic evidence indicates that trade, over the period from 14th to early 20th century, concentrated on three major regions:

1. Closely neighbouring countries then within the Ottoman Empire itself: Egypt and the southern Arabian peninsular. Historical sources indicate that the trade from Suakin to Egypt went through Cairo and Alexandria, whilst the main port for the trade with the Arabian Peninsula was Jeddah.

2. South Asia. The places mentioned in historical accounts are generally identified with locations in the Indian subcontinent. A Black Burnished Ware at Suakin is similar in appearance to a ware at Ras el-Khaimah, having parallels at sites in present-day India (Kennet 2004, 66).

3. East and South-east Asia. The countries or areas specifically indicated by the current provenances assigned to porcelain from Suakin include China, together with south-east Asia. Historical sources mention places including China, Malacca and Pegu.

4. North-west Europe: During the period from 1880s to the abandonment of Suakin, much European china and stoneware was imported. These have so far been identified as coming from potteries in England, Scotland (Glasgow) and France. South-east Asia and north-west Europe constitute the most extended Suakini trade links indicated by the material remains and historical sources published in English so far examined (Smith et al. 2012, 179-185).

Laurence Smith (McDonald Institute)
Michael Mallinson (Mallinson Architects)
Jacke Phillips (SOAS and McDonald Institute)

References

Breen, C., W. Forsythe, L. Smith and M. Mallinson 2011. Excavations at the medieval Red Sea port of Suakin, Sudan. Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa, vol. 46, no. 2, 205-220.

Greenlaw, J.P. 1995. The Coral Buildings of Suakin. London: Kegan Paul International Ltd.

Kennet, D. 2004. Sasanian and Islamic pottery from Ras al-Khaimah: Classification, Chronology and Analysis of Trade in the Western Indian Ocean. Society for Arabian Studies Monographs 1. Oxford: BAR Int. Ser 1248.

Mallinson, M. 2012. Suakin: paradigm of a port. In D. Agius, J. Cooper, C. Zazzaro and A. Trakadas (eds) Navigated spaces, connected places: Proceedings of the Red Sea Project V held at the University of Exeter, September 2010, 159-172. British Foundation for the Study of Arabia 12. BAR S2346. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Mallinson, M., L. Smith, C. Breen, W. Forsythe and J. Phillips 2009. Ottoman Suakin 1541 – 1865 AD: lost and found. In A.C.S. Peacock (ed) The frontiers of the Ottoman World. Proceedings of the British Academy 156, 469-492.

Phillips, J. 2012. Beit Khorshid Effendi: a “trader’s” house at Suakin. In D. Agius et al. 2012, 187-199.

Smith, L.M.V., M.D.S. Mallinson, J.S. Phillips, Ahmed Hussein Adam, Abdelrahman Ibrahim Said, H. Barnard, C.P. Breen, G. Breen, D. Britton, W. Forsythe, J. Jansen van Rensburg, T. McErlean, S. Porter 2012. Archaeology and the archaeological and historical evidence for the trade of Suakin, Sudan. In D. Agius et al. 2012, 173-186.

Acknowledgements

The project is funded by the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, the Fondation Max van Berchem, the British Institute in Eastern Africa, the Cambridge University Foreign Travel Fund, and the Red Sea State and the Ministry of Tourism, Antiquities and Wildlife, Sudan. We are most grateful to Dr. Abdelrahman Ali Mohamed, Director General of NCAM, and to Mr. Hassan Hussein Idris, retired Director General of NCAM, for permission to participate in the project, for the continued support of NCAM for the European section of the Suakin Project, to the Director of Fieldwork, Hassan Ahmed and to the former Director of Fieldwork, Salah Mohamed Ahmed, Inspectors Balsam Abdelhamid, Sabah al-Serag, Onour Omer Ali , Omeran Ali, to conservators Barbara Wills, Lucy Skinner, Amal Mohamed Ahmed, Hanaa Abd al-Gabbar, and to all colleagues in NCAM for help and support. Site supervisors, whose information provides the basis of this article, are: Abdelrahman Ibrahim Said, Ahmed Hussein Abdelrahman Adam, Omima Abdelrahman, Colin Breen, Gerard Breen, Daniel Britton, Wes Forsythe, Intisar Soghayroun El-Zein, Intisar Tag el-Sir, Julian Jansen van Rensburg, Henriette Koefoed, John MacGinnis, Thomas McErlean, Muiz Shams ad-Din Mohamed, Nahid Abdel Latif, Steven Porter, Daniel Rhodes and Suaad Osman Babikir.