ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
GASCOIGNE Alison

The Tell Tinnis Archaeological Project began in 1998 with the aim of recording the standing remains on the island of Tinnis, some seven kilometres south-west of Port Said in Lake Manzala, one of the coastal lagoons that fringe the Nile delta. However, it was not until April 2004 that a complete survey was undertaken, generously supported by the Foundation. The aim of the work has been to record as efficiently as possible the largely featureless mounds of rubble that characterise the site, and to extract the maximum amount of information from the remains without undertaking the sort of large-scale excavations necessary to uncover a ground plan of the town. The survey results will allow the formulation of an informed site management strategy for future investigation.

Tinnis was, in its day, one of the richest manufacturing centres in the mediaeval Middle East. It is first mentioned by the classical writer John Cassian, who visited the site in the late fourth century and commented upon its desolate location. Despite this, the island was a prominent trading post. It was also a bishopric and important Christian centre, and the site of a battle during the Arab conquest of Egypt in 642. After this event, and apparently as a result of deliberate policy by the new regime, industrial activity in the town began to flourish, in particular the manufacture of textiles; a number of historical accounts of the town survive to supplement information gleaned from archaeological investigation. Weaving was regulated by the government, being organised into workshops and heavily taxed: cloth from Tinnis could sell for a great deal of money, some types being interwoven with gold threads. This prosperous situation, though, was undermined both by the decline of the textile industry (perhaps due to reduced demand and overtaxation) and by the increasing insecurity of the area. The town was attacked and damaged on several occasions in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, and finally evacuated by order of the Ayyubid sultan al-Malik al-Kamil in 1227, though the island nonetheless continued in use as a trading base until at least the fifteenth century.

 

Cisterns of early

Cisterns of early and later types, the former still with some of the roof intact.

 

The post-abandonment history of the town is very much responsible for the difficult character of the site. The enclosure walls and citadel were razed to prevent their being used by the Crusaders or other hostile forces. Subsequently, the site has been repeatedly dug over by locals looking for reusable building materials, since there is no source of stone in the Nile delta. A mid-nineteenth century visitor recorded that archaeological material from the island was dumped into one of the narrow mouths of the Nile to impede the passage of maritime raiders. In addition, the wet and salty conditions hasten the deterioration of standing structures, and still pose significant conservation problems for modern archaeologists. The area enclosed by the ruined town wall is today around 93 hectares, though sections run into the lake on the south and west edges of the island. Furthermore, the extra-mural mounds, clearly once extensive, are now mainly beneath the lake or flattened into sandy strands by constant washing of water; the edges of the island are fringed by thick reed beds.

The survey of the mound carried out in April 2004 was done by means of Leica 500 series differential GPS equipment with sub-centimetre accuracy. One of the advantages of this equipment is its ability to record precise spot height readings. The limits of surviving remains, the line of the enclosure walls, the location of previous excavations and regular contour heights were all recorded: in total more than 10,000 points were taken. The resulting map sheds light on the structure of the town, indicating that the enclosure wall had horseshoe towers at regular 35-metre intervals; in some areas traces of what might be gates are identifiable. At the north-west corner of the site are remains of a harbour channel fortified by a round tower, and other canals run into the town from the west and south. The site grid and several fixed points were added to the map; by these means future work on the island can be incorporated into the existing survey.

 

Lake Manzala

Lake Manzala and the reed beds of Tinnis island
(photograph by Sarah Parcak)

 

In order to glean the maximum information from the archaeology currently visible, the project included an architectural survey of the cisterns uncovered during excavations by the Egyptian Antiquities Service since 1978. Although these excavations were not scientifically controlled, they nonetheless provide access to buried features and provide a useful opportunity to undertake archaeological recording; the size and general state of the site is such that the destruction of stratigraphy in a limited area is not really a major concern. It is notable that almost all the revealed structures would have been below the original mediaeval ground level; the prospects for recovering evidence for the layout of the buildings and streets above are very poor. However, cisterns are extremely numerous, an unsurprising state of affairs given the peculiar situation of the town. Surrounded by salt water, the islanders relied on the annual Nile flood, during which the lake became potable; water was collected and stored on the island for use throughout the rest of the year. An examination of the channels and tanks in the main Egyptian excavations revealed two phases of construction. Examples of the earlier type of cistern date to around the ninth century and are at a lower datum than later types, many having their roofs intact. They are characterised by multiple cross- or barrel-vaults, the interior surfaces being coated with a distinctive pink lime mortar. The later period constructions are identifiable by the use of a grey lime mortar with a high percentage of fly ash used in both the masonry and a first plaster layer internally - a layer of pink plaster was subsequently applied over this as the final finish. The identification of these phases of building have allowed a study of the diachronic development of the town's water system: there is some evidence that, while the early foundations were endowed by the authorities as public facilities, in later times the control of access to water rested increasingly in private hands.

 

One of the highest mounds on the island

One of the highest mounds on the island, perhaps the location of the citadel.

 

Tinnis is a largely featureless site and, in the absence of visible surface archaeology, clearly it must be a high priority to find some means other than excavation of assessing the buried remains. To this end, we were keen to make trials of geo-physical techniques, and an area of 5.5 hectares was surveyed using a Geoscan Research FM256 fluxgate gradiometer. The ground conditions on Tinnis are unfortunately not ideal for geophysical survey, being generally very uneven and covered in a dense scatter of fired brick and slag debris, and the results were variable in quality. Across about half of the area, little in the way of structures or other features was discernable. However, on the west bank of the south canal, a complex more than 50 metres across shows up as a clear anomaly, as do the quays of the waterfront and what may be a bridge across the canal. In a sector on the north side of the site, gradiometry revealed that the enclosure wall is a great double structure, with smaller interconnecting walls running between the outer lines and buildings set up against the interior face.

 

a tiny gold disc

Surface find: a tiny gold disc bearing the shehada and the name of the Fatimid caliph Al-Hakim
(photograph by Gillian Pyke)

 

The creation of a ceramic typology, including material both from the surface and from exposed sections, was initiated in 1998, and continued in 2004. Two small sondages designed to investigate the town's fortifications produced a quantity of sherds and small finds, which were analysed and drawn. Part of a slate palette and a broken flint knife blade may be predynastic in date. The remaining material was late Roman and Islamic in date, with in particular glazed wares and imported porcelain-type vessels surviving in the damp conditions. This pottery catalogue will shed light on the town's extensive trading links, in addition to contributing to our currently rather limited knowledge of Islamic ceramics in Egypt.

Overall, the survey has completed the basic mapping necessary on any archaeological site, in addition to investigating various ways in which work on the island might proceed. Following our season, a team from the Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale in Cairo is planning to undertake excavations on the island in 2005. We can thus hope to see further information coming from Tinnis in the near future.

Alison Gascoigne
British Academy Post-Doctoral Fellow
McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research
University of Cambridg

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
GASCOIGNE Alison

Opportunities to conduct fieldwork in Afghanistan have been few and far between over the last three decades. This is unfortunate, since the country provides a stunning setting for an archaeological heritage reflecting its pivotal situation at the conjunction of south and central Asia and the Middle East, and the many cultures and empires that have flourished there. Since the overthrow of the Taliban regime, steps have been taken by various organisations to assess the damaged state of Afghanistan's archaeological sites, in addition to applying modern archaeological methods to research their form and significance. One such initiative is the Minaret of Jam Archaeological Project (MJAP), initially set up and funded by UNESCO under the auspices of the Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente and since 2005 an independent project, now co-directed by David Thomas of La Trobe University and the author.
The site of Jam has suffered badly from looting. Although it has been protected slightly by its remote location and difficult terrain from the extreme damaged inflicted using bulldozers on sites such as Ai Khanum, the slopes are pitted with robber holes, many of which are several metres wide and deep. As a result of the looting, and in response to the angle at which the minaret is now leaning, Jam was inscribed upon the UNESCO World Heritage 'In Danger' list at the time of its designation as a World Heritage site in 2002. Since then, the MJAP has undertaken two seasons of fieldwork, collecting data on the extent of the site, surveying the main features, assessing the damage caused by illicit digging and undertaking scientific archaeological analysis of ceramics, finds, organic material and geomorphological samples.

 

The view west along the Hari Rud valley

Fig. 1 : The view west along the Hari Rud valley, showing the slopes on the north bank of the Hari Rud, just one of the areas of the site peppered with robber holes, surmounted by Qasr-i Zarafshan. The minaret of Jam, built by the Ghurid sultan Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad b. Sam, probably in the year 570 AH (1174/5 AD), is the only structure to have survived the decline and abandonment of the city more or less intact (photograph by David Thomas).


Jam is located in Ghur province, and indeed has been plausibly identified as the summer capital of the eponymous Ghurid rulers, Firuzkuh. The Ghurids were one of several short-lived dynasties that captured large territories by force of arms in the mid-twelfth century. They maintained their claims to overlordship of the region by means of continuous warfare with their neighbours, before being overthrown by the Khwarazmshah, and ultimately swept away by the Mongol armies in the early 1220s. Their settlements thus thrived on the rich spoils taken from conquests, primarily of places such as Lahore, Multan, Peshawar and the areas of Sind and the Punjab to the east. With the fall of the dynasty and the disappearance of the wealth they had brought to Ghur, their centres ceased to be viable entities, having no significant hinterland to support their populations, much of which was in any case slaughtered or dispersed by the Mongols. Sites such as Jam were thus densely occupied for only a limited period of time; historical evidence indicates a life of some seventy-five years for Firuzkuh, a situation broadly confirmed by archaeological evidence from Jam.
Little remains today that obviously attests to the presence of a prosperous Ghurid settlement, the wealth and cosmopolitan nature of which are described by the historian al-Juzjani, himself an inhabitant of Firuzkuh as a young man in the early thirteenth century. The exception is, of course, Jam's stunning minaret, located on the only strip of flat land in the area, at the junction of the Hari Rud and the smaller but seasonally torrential Jam Rud. The ruins of other significant buildings do, however, still cling to the crags and slopes. These include the pier of a brick bridge spanning the Hari Rud (there has been no bridge here since the collapse of this Ghurid structure); the fort of Qasr-i Zarafshan with associated watchtowers and outlying fortifications; and a huge cistern, probably forming part of an elite residence, on the terraced summit of Kuh-i Khara. On one of the main slopes of the town, houses are built on terraces around a wide 'arcade' wall, which incorporates vaulted rooms, perhaps shops. The settlement stretches for several kilometres along both river valleys. Establishing the total extent of the remains is one of the primary aims of the MJAP, with the south and eastern edges surveyed in 2005. We hope to continue this work on the western and northern reaches of the site in 2007, the data from which will allow UNESCO to re-define the protected area so that it covers all sectors of the Ghurid settlement.

 

The view down to the central area

Fig. 2 : The view down to the central area and minaret of Jam and south along the Jam Rud valley, from the summit of Kuh-i Khara.


The project has also uncovered evidence for a large courtyard building, presumably the town's congregational mosque, on the flat ground by the minaret. Cleaning of robber holes and of the eroding river bank has revealed large walls of fired brick and packed earth running parallel to the Hari Rud, with areas of brick paving in various patterns and small baked-brick pillared colonnades. We plan to survey the area next season using magnetometry and ground penetrating radar, with the hope of revealing the layout, extent and location of the structure(s), which can then be protected from further building in the area. (Geophysical techniques will also be tested on the Judaeo-Persian cemetery, located more than a kilometre south of the minaret, which is threatened by looting and erosion.) In addition to monumental architecture, investigation of robber holes has also provided much evidence for domestic structures at Jam. Fragments of carved stucco frames, still holding the edges of thin sheets of window glass, have been thrown out of the ground by looters, and small pieces of wall plaster painted red, blue and green in some places still adhere to exposed wall faces. In one robber hole, the walls of an almost complete room, with plastered window ledge, central brick pier, vaulted roof and small lamp alcove (still containing green-glazed lamp) are testament to the quality of life in Ghurid Jam.

 

Gascoigne Fig 4

 

Some of the remaining towers

Fig. 3-4 : Some of the remaining towers of the main fort of Qasr-i Zarafshan,
situated on the summit of the slopes north of the Hari Rud and commanding a wide view of the surrounding countryside.


Jam was clearly a wealthy, high-status town. Conversations with local villagers reveal that finds of considerable value, including coin hoards and jewellery, have been illicitly excavated and sold in recent years. Even categories of artefact of less obvious monetary value confirm the site as a rich urban centre. Among the ceramic sherds collected and recorded in 2005 were three fragments of Minai ware (also known as haft rangi, or 'seven colours'). Minai was the culmination of attempts by Islamic potters to draw fine designs onto glazed pottery that would not run and be obscured when fired, each colour being painted on in the form of vitreous enamel, with the vessel re-fired after each application. Making vessels in this way was time-consuming and required considerable skill; the products were thus much valued, especially where gold leaf was used in the decoration. In addition, the ceramic corpus from Jam contains a considerable number of fine lustreware sherds which, along with the Minai, were imported from centres such as Kashan in Iran. Fragments of Chinese celadon attest to contact with areas far to the east. More locally made glazed wares and very local handmade, geometrically painted coarsewares also abound. The study of pottery from Jam is still ongoing; a larger corpus will be recorded during the 2007 field season, and a major programme of chemical analysis is ongoing, all of which will be compiled into the first modern archaeological publication of Afghan ceramics.

 

A small fragment of Minai

Fig. 5 : Jam: A small fragment of Minai ware found on the surface of the summit of Kuh-i Khara, showing the fine detail of the decoration;
this piece is overlain with gold leaf.


This brief account has done no more than outline some of the work we are undertaking at Jam. Despite the damage the site has sustained over the last decades, it is clear that a great deal of information about the Ghurid settlement can be recovered by the careful application of modern archaeological techniques. We look forward to continuing this process with another season in 2007, for which the generous support of the Fondation Max van Berchem is gratefully acknowledged.


Alison L. Gascoigne

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
FONTANA Maria Vittoria

The archaeological area of Estakhr, 5 km north of Persepolis, consists of a large town enclosed by walls with rounded towers, whose remains are still discernible. It includes the remains of a large mosque, with a column and bull-capital dating back to the Achaemenid period. It was partly excavated in the 1930s by E.F. Schmidt and E. Herzfeld, but their researches were never fully published (E. Herzfeld, Archaeological History of Iran, London 1935; Id., Iran in the Ancient Near East, London - New York 1941; E.F. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis and Other Discoveries in the Homeland of the Achaemenians, Chicago 1939; Id., Flights over Ancient Cities of Iran, Chicago 1940).

The works of the Estakhr Archaeological Project (two seasons in 2012), have been addressed at a better understanding of the complexity of the archaeological area of the town and its surroundings, as well as at an in-depth investigation of a sector within the city walls. The works included archaeological and topographic surveys, and the realization of an archaeological map of the site, furthermore, in the chosen urban sector, digital terrain modeling, geo-physical investigation, the excavation of a test trench, and the preliminary study of the finds.

The pottery and the evidences of structures documented during a first survey revealed that the town was not totally abandoned in the 11th century, as formerly believed on the basis of the historical sources, but that restricted areas on the outskirts of the walled town were actively inhabited into the 13th-15th century. Their location, far from the earlier core of the town and the mosque as well as from the main gate of the town, may be related to the defensive requirements of a smaller community. More recent frequentation of the site is attested by tombs made of deposits of stones and by alignments of stones, probably related to temporary dwellers. The modern fort, called takht-e tavus (fig. 01), obviously points to a recent military occupation: an aerial photograph of 1932-1934 shows standing barracks within it.

 

A 19th century square enclosure

Fig. 01. A 19th century square enclosure, with mud walls on a small stone foundation, known as takht-e tavus (the peacock throne; photo M. Rugiadi).

 

The sector chosen for the in-depth investigation is the area to the west of the mosque. Main aim was to explore the urban development of the town in a promising sector during the early Islamic period, when the city flourished as a provincial capital first, and as a commercial town later. Here, an unearthed building was identified on one of Schmidt’s aerial photographs by D. Whitcomb (The City of Istakhr and the Marvdasht Plain, in D. Reimer (ed.), Akten des VII. Internationalen Kongress für Iranische Kunst und Archäologie, München 7.-10. September 1976, Berlin 1979, pp. 363-370), who suggested that this structure could be the 7th century dar al-imara, when Estakhr was capital of the Fars province. The combination of mosque and dar al-imara is known from other Islamic cities, but no examples have been yet investigated in Iran.

We started our investigation in this sector realizing a 3D digital terrain model (DTM), whose results initially seemed to contradict the aerial photograph: a deep depression corresponds to the line of the wall of the suggested building, while patches of elevated ground appear to the west of that line (fig. 02). Along the same line, following almost precisely both the route of the lines visible in the aerial photograph and the depression of the ground shown in the DTM, the geo-physical survey (by S. Gondet, K. Mohammadkhani) detected a strong anomaly, that extends to form a square having the same orientation of the mosque (fig. 03).

 

Preliminary digital terrain

Fig. 02. Preliminary digital terrain model of the area west of the mosque.
The palest ground outlines the uncovered rectangular building suggested by Whitcomb 1979 (elaboration A. Blanco)

 

The anomaly in the geophysical survey

Fig. 03. The anomaly in the geophysical survey
(outlined in green is the palace as hypothesized by D. Whitcomb 1979; rendering L. Ebanista)

 

The excavation, undertaken with a test trench in this sector (figs 03-04), had an unexpected outcome and explained these deceiving incongruities: a large paved street with an underneath sewer came to light, in correspondence of the depression shown in the DTM, of the geo-physical anomaly, and of the line visible in the aerial photograph.

On its east side, the test trench was set out from the qiblî wall of the mosque where a small door was detected during the topographic survey. This secondary access to the mosque suggests a possibly significant connection with the area behind it encompassed by our investigations; it could be the passage between the mosque and the supposed building.

 

The excavated trench

Fig. 04. The excavated trench, in the area to the west of the mosque, oriented east-west and orthogonal to the door of the mosque wall (cf. Fig. 6).
It measures 20.90 × 2 m and is up to 4.49 - 4.90 m wide in the area close to the mosque (photo V. Cipollari)

 

In the trench, at least eight phases were identified (fig. 05).

Phase 1 relates to the exterior part of the mosque wall (fig. 06), made of local limestone chips of various sizes joined with a small amount of mortar, and almost 2 m thick; a semi-circular tower containing a filling of loose material projects on the exterior. When this wall was built, the small door was also planned.

 

General map of the trench

Fig. 05. General map of the trench: phase 1-light blue; phase 2-light ochre; phase 2a-ochre; phase 3-green; phase 4-pink; phase 6-grey
(rendering A.M. Jaia)

 

The main retrieval of the excavation is the large paved street (more than 6 m wide, fig. 07) that covered a significant sewer running along it and sloping to the south (fig. 08). As its chronological relation to the mosque could not be established, it was thus assigned to Phase 2. Of the pottery found in the filling of the sewer one fragment of splash-ware can be broadly attributed to the 9th-11th century. The paving of the street is altered in its western sector, where it was mostly rebuilt using flakes of stones from the original paving in the subsequent Phase 3.

 

The wall of the mosque

Fig. 06. Phase 1: The wall of the mosque showing the door and the semi-circular tower
(photo A.M. Jaia)

 

The paved street

Fig. 07. Phase 2: The paved street
(view from North; photo L. Ebanista)

 

The sewer under the paved street

Fig. 08. Phase 2: The sewer under the paved street
(photo L. Ebanista)

 

In Phase 3 the whole area that overlooks the west side of the street underwent a complete makeover. Beside the alteration detected in the paving of the street, this included the construction of a room slightly differently oriented than the mosque: we excavated its northeast corner located along the street. The walls are built ex novo from the foundations; their association with the makeover of the street are substantiated by the fact that they re-employ some elements from the original paving of the street, of which one complete.

In the western part of the trench, two floors were brought to light that are at the same level of the paved street (Phase 2a): the one closer to the street includes a tannur and does not relate to any wall (fig. 09); the second floor relates to a construction whose orientation follows that of the mosque, of which the northeast corner was excavated in the west end of the trench. Its preparation layer (fig. 10) included one fragment of imported Iraqi gold luster ware (late 9th - 10th century); its employ must have ended not earlier than the 10th century for the ceramics found in the covering layers (“Samarra horizon” ware with turquoise-green splashes, and a fragment probably related to graffita).

 

The tannur cut by the foundation

Fig. 09. Phases 2a and 3: The tannur cut by the foundation of the walls WSU 197
(photo A. Blanco)

 

Room set in the west side

Fig. 10. Phase 2a: Room set in the west side of the trench
(photo A. Blanco)

 

Circumstantial evidences (their level; the orientation of the construction) suggest that both floors may have been in use at the same time of the street in Phase 2. They are certainly earlier than the construction in Phase 3 as this cuts the tannur (fig. 09). This happened not earlier than the 11th century, as suggested by the finds of the layers covering both tannur and floor (including graffita, unglazed molded wares, unglazed wares with emerging inclusions and vegetal chaff on their surfaces). The fabric and the shape of the latter suggest that they are related to the painted pottery (also called pseudo-prehistoric and Madabad wares) which is attributed to a range of dates from the 11th century or slightly earlier to the 14th in the scholarly literature.

The likely decline of the area between the street and the mosque is evidenced by the closing down of a tannur located at the door of the mosque, whose hob is set at the same level of the street and of the mosque door (Phase 4, fig. 11); subsequently, the wall of the mosque collapsed and a narrower path on the west replaced the street (Phase 5). From the collapse of the mosque wall came a carved grey stone fragment, which might have been originally part of a bell-shaped capital of the Achaemenid period (fig. 12) that was re-employed for the building of the mosque.

 

The tannur

Fig. 11. Phase 4: The tannur located at a door of the mosque
(photo L. Ebanista)

 

Fragment of an Achaemenid

Fig. 12. Phase 5: Fragment of an Achaemenid capital re-employed in the mosque wall
(photo and rendering A. M. Jaia)

 

Phase 6 is represented by a wall of reused bricks and irregular limestone blocks, resting on a layer of earth and covering the walls of Phase 3 below. Phase 7 consists of a pottery dump located approximately in the middle of the trench, that contained several nearly complete unglazed vessels that can be assigned between the 10th and the 14th centuries (fig. 13). Phase 8 shows recent agricultural activity (traces of plough and of animal farming).

 

A painted jar

Fig. 13. Phase 7: A painted jar (Inv. ES 52; SU 142), from a dump of unglazed pottery
(10th ? 14th century; photo M. Rugiadi)

 

In conclusion, the excavations revealed that the anomaly of the geo-physical survey is in correspondence of the paved street and the sewer, which also correspond to the depression shown in the DTM; the construction of Phase 2a in the west part of the trench conforms to the raised forms shown in the DTM.

The orientation and development (geo-physical evidence) of the paved street and the sewer seem to define an important quarter that was situated to the west of the mosque, whose development can be partly followed on the geo-physical survey. The construction of Phase 2a belonged to a building that certainly was part of this quarter, and that may be coeval to the street; further investigation will clarify its nature, but the discovery of a door in the mosque wall might well indicate a privileged passage between the two buildings, and give some clue on its significance. It is possible that the area between the street and the building was initially free or that a fence separated them; cooking activities are attested here by the tannur of Phase 2a. In Phase 3 the area was occupied by a new construction, in conjunction with the partial reconstruction of the west side of the street.

The later developments, as the narrow paths that replaced the street, point to a decline in the relevance of the quarter to the west of the mosque, most probably connected with the decay of Estakhr in the 11th century.

Maria Vittoria Fontana
Dipartimento di Scienze dell’antichita’
Sapienza University of Rome

Published reports:

M.V. Fontana - M. Mireskandari - M. Rugiadi - A. Asadi - A. Jaia - A. Blanco - L. Colliva, “Estakhr Project - First Preliminary Report of the Joint Mission of the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, the Parsa-Pasargadae Research Foundation and the Sapienza University of Rome, Italy”, Vicino Oriente XVI, 2012, pp. 63-76

N.N.Z. Chegini – M.V. Fontana - A. Asadi – M. Rugiadi - A. Jaia - A. Blanco - L. Ebanista – V. Cipollari, “Estakhr Project - Second Preliminary Report of the Joint Mission of the Iranian Center for Archaeological Research, the Parsa-Pasargadae Research Foundation and the Sapienza University of Rome, Italy”, Vicino Oriente XVII, 2013, pp. 7-21

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
GARFI Salvatore

A grant by the Max van Berchem Foundation has been instrumental in providing me with the means to begin a study of the traditional architecture of the United Arab Emirates, in particular, to study the building traditions of Abu Dhabi and Dubai, utilising historical photographs as an archaeological resource. Almost no substantial work has been carried out using photographs as a means of gathering archaeological information on an historical built environment, and aiming to retrieve on paper, building details, elevations, and streetscapes in a manner aiming to be as comparable as possible to that expected of a more traditional archaeological research project. This project aims to do just that, but to also include a social commentary on the way in which people lived and settled in Abu Dhabi and Dubai. This study would be merely an inventory of architectural details if this perspective was not included.
A visitor to the UAE today can easily be excused for thinking that there was virtually nothing in the way of what could be described as a 'building culture' in the country prior to the discovery of oil and the wealth which it generated. In just thirty years, the towns of Dubai and Abu Dhabi with their traditional buildings constructed of coral stone, sandstone and palm fronds, have been breathtakingly transformed into exemplars of contemporary architecture.

 

Dubai in 1951

Dubai in 1951, with Shandaga in the foreground on a sandspit, Bur Dubai - the oldest part of the town - is to the right, while Deira is on the opposite side of the Creek
(reproduced with the kind permission of Mr. Ronald Codrai)


The only record of traditional architecture in this part of Arabia from tents and huts, to merchant's houses and fortifications is to be found in the photographs taken by explorers, diplomats, oil company representatives, and engineers and architects in the first two thirds of this century. These photos are a unique glimpse into the built environment of a way of life which has been altered tremendously by the discovery of oil in the lower Gulf states. The photographs being used in this study were taken by the explorers H. Burkhardt and Wilfred Thesiger, the diplomat Sir Rupert Hay, Ronald Codrai, of what was the Iraq Petroleum Company, architects of the JR Harris Partnership (London), and Hunting Aerofilms. A considerable number of photographs have also come from the archives of the Abu Dhabi Company for Onshore Oil Operations (ADCO), and I am in the process of acquiring photos from the archives of British Petroleum.
The photos range in date from ca 1906 to the early 1970s and cover a variety of subjects. Nevertheless, a very large corpus of images exist showing what the traditional built environment of Abu Dhabi and Dubai was like, and with enough details to be able to analyse the spread of different building types and building details. For example, the pre modern townscape of Dubai consisted of three distinct units. The oldest was Bur Dubai on the south side of the Creek which divides the modern city. This part of the town was mapped by the British in 1822 and it is possible that its extent and outline can still be discerned in the 1960 map compiled by Hunting Aerofilms. Bur Dubai was surrounded by a wall in the last century and included within its perimeter the Friday Mosque and perhaps part of what is now the Fahidi Fort. To the west of Bur Dubai, along the sea front and separated by a shallow embayment which flooded at high tide was Shandaga. Separated from both of these town centres, on the other side of the Creek, was Deira. It is quite likely that Shandaga was settled by tribes people who left Abu Dhabi in 1833, while Deira could have initially been settled in 1840 and 1841 when many of the inhabitants of Bur Dubai decamped across the Creek to escape the spread of disease.
Pre 1960s photos show both Bur Dubai and Deira as being quite densely built over with a wealth of traditional architecture and many windtower buildings. Both of these parts of the town had substantial markets with a mix of domestic and commercial buildings, and with a fair number of inhabitants who hailed from Persia and South Asia. On the other hand, Shandaga appears to be more domestic in appearance, with no market place, some commercial buildings along the Creek, and in relative terms, fewer windtower houses than in the other two parts of the town.
The windtower undoubtedly spread from the northern side of the Gulf to the Arabian coastal towns. At Dubai they were most numerous in its two commercial centres, Bur Dubai and Deira, but not so obvious in Shandaga - an area reputed to being occupied by tribal Arabs living close to the residence of the Sheikh of Dubai. The extant photos of the Shandaga area show an architecture which appears to be low lying and simply decorated, quite often with only pointed corner merlons along the roof lines. This is in contrast to the decorative parapets, veranda and windtower details which were so common in Deira and Bur Dubai.

 

Dubai pre 1950

Dubai pre 1950, with Shandaga in the background, and arish structures in the foreground on the western fringe of Bur Dubai
(reproduced with the kind permission of Mr. Ronald Codrai)


Abu Dhabi had an architecture very similar to that at Shandaga. Although much of the town consisted of palm frond (arish or barasti) structures, the stone buildings had what could be described as a 'blockiness', and had a scarcity of decorative details, usually no more than pointed corner merlons. Even the windtower buildings which were present in the town did not have the same degree of decoration as those in Dubai, nor the highly decorated porches which were quite numerous in the latter town. The archaeology of the built environment recorded in early photographs suggests different types of groups of people in different occupations and lifestyles, and even different ethnic backgrounds making up the cultural mix of the respective towns.
Aerial photographs taken by Ronald Codrai in the 1950s and by Hunting Aerofilms in the 1960s illustrate very clearly the way in which the towns of the UAE had large areas of palm frond (arish) structures surrounding them. It could be argued that such buildings were the main stay of vernacular architecture in the UAE with only the better off being able to afford stone buildings. Even the tribes who led a nomadic lifestyle drew upon the date palm for building materials. Photographs by both Thesiger and Codrai show that it was not unusual for the typical Bedouin tent to consist, not of camel or goat hair cloths, but mats made of palm fibres. The Summer (and sometimes permanent) houses of these tribes people, deep in the desert in the Liwa Oases, also consisted of arish, though the photographic record indicates that their method of construction differed from the way in which arish structures were constructed along the Gulf littoral.
In the Liwa, arish structures had walls which were supported by vertical palm tree trunks while their roofs appeared to be slightly vaulted. Such vaulting could easily be made by bending together palm leaf stems. Along the coast however, and in Dubai and Abu Dhabi, arish houses were supported by imported mangrove poles (chandals) with gabled roofs which also had ridges made from mangrove poles. In fact, the photographic record for the UAE in the pre oil era shows that there is a typology of scrub and palm frond structures (including tents) just as there is a typology of stone and mud buildings.
This study is far from complete, and what I have tried to do here is to illustrate some of the ways in which historical photographs can be used to give us insight into the make up of societies, even in the recent past. Some of the photographs I have compiled can even give us a glimpse into the trade connections of the UAE ports since they show shop scenes wherein inventories of goods for sale can be made. However, this study has to limit itself to the built environment and the way in which an archaeology of a past milieu can be reconstructed from the only record which exists for that past - photographs.

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
EGER Alexander

The Tüpras Field Archaeological Project began in 2006 after a substantial scatter of Early Islamic ceramics was detected from a walking survey around the Bronze, Iron Age, and Hellenistic port of Kinet Höyük in 2005. The site, known as the Tüpras Field, is a low mounded site completely covered by cultivated fields located 800 meters north of Kinet. The site is in the province of Hatay in Turkey, in the northern part of the Bay of Iskenderun and at the foot of the western side of the tall Amanus Mountains near Antakya (classical Antioch). Geographically and topographically, the site is part of the Plain of Issos, the easternmost extent of the broad Cilician Plain. Located near the Syrian Gates, this narrow coastal plain was a corridor that connected Anatolia (via Cilicia) with Syria (via the Amuq Plain) and was known as a key area for the harvesting of timber from the mountains. Archaeological investigations at Tüpras Field in 2006, 2008, and 2010 revealed an eighth to twelfth century settlement dominated by a small fortified enclosure with surrounding buildings. The site is to be identified with the frontier settlement of Hisn al-Tînât, previously unlocated but known from the tenth century geographical sources of Ibn Hawqal and Muqaddasî as a military garrison and depot and port for the gathering and redistribution of timber to Syria, Egypt and other parts of the frontier.

 

General view of Tupras

General view of Tüpras field and surrounding area
(A.A. Eger)

 

Very little is known about the Islamic-Byzantine frontier or al-thughûr in the Early Islamic period (mid-seventh to mid-tenth centuries) and even less is known from the subsequent period of Byzantine reconquest (c. 963 to the end of the eleventh century). What little is known comes from historical accounts from either Muslim or Christian sources that are imbued with a strong sense of religious and political propaganda. New archaeological work is filling in our understanding that the frontier was a settled region, well-connected with both Byzantine and Islamic central lands, with an economy comprised of local industry and long-distance trade. Early Islamic settlement on the coasts of the Byzantine-Islamic frontier, itself another frontier, has remained elusive. Yet, historical accounts of sea-borne Islamic invasions as far as Constantinople and archaeological evidence of both (eastern) Islamic material culture in the west and non-Islamic material culture in eastern sites around the Mediterranean attest at the very least to Islamic presence and involvement in port sites, trade, and shipping. At the intersection of two frontiers, the site of Hisn al-Tînât in the Plain of Issos is well situated to closely examine a frontier settlement and its role.

 

Plan of Early Islamic and Middle Byzantine

Plan of Early Islamic and Middle Byzantine phases around the fortified enclosure.
(A. Eger)

 

Given that sources mention that the site was not only a garrison but depended local natural resources (timber) as a depot and port, the project incorporated both an archaeological and an environmental investigation of the site in relation to its surroundings. Soundings in 2006, archaeological and geomorphological excavations with geophysical prospection in 2008, and material culture analysis and geomorphological survey investigating the site’s watershed in 2010 were conducted by myself and geomorphologist Dr. Timothy Beach (Georgetown University) under the auspices of the director of the Kinet Höyük project, Dr. Marie-Henriette Gates of Bilkent University (Ankara, Turkey) with funding from the Fondation Max van Berchem.

 

Tupras field

Tüpras field (Hisn al-Tinat) seen from the sea
(photo Marie-Henriette Gates)

 

Archaeological excavation revealed that the site had two major phases and an intervening secondary phase and was founded in the mid-8th century and destroyed and abandoned sometime in the early 12th century when settlement during the Crusader period was taken up once more on the high mound of Kinet. The earliest phase of the site (mid-8th century to tenth), was only revealed in small areas and suggest a wide cobblestone and ashlar fortification wall with smaller interior walls perpendicular to the enclosure walls. Parts of a room with a stone pavement and a patch of tile floor were excavated and associated with this structure, likely the original Hisn al-Tînât known from primary source descriptions. South of the enclosure, a domestic building was excavated with several rooms around a possible courtyard with a main threshold flanked to either side by low square ashlars supporting plastered colonettes. The walls of the building contained spolia from a nearby Late Roman settlement. Part of a stone pavement in a room off of the courtyard was found utilizing a basalt grave stela with a crude Greek inscription. Grain bins in the courtyard indicated a domestic function. The Early Islamic assemblage associated with the lower enclosure and its floors and the domestic building included glazed wares mainly produced locally on the frontier at cities such as Raqqa and Antâkiya, as well as some wares produced farther south in central Islamic lands and Iraq (such as lusterware). Brittleware cooking pots were locally produced on the frontier and buffwares, including the thin-walled mold relief pitchers mainly from the ninth century, were locally produced or similarly from Iraq and the Jordan Valley. An early ‘Abb­asid copper coin (767/768-816/817 C.E.) from an Iraqi mint was found in the domestic building. The material culture shows both local frontier manufacture and long distance imports, mainly with ‘Abbasid central lands during the eighth - tenth centuries, implying that the frontier, beyond a military no man’s land, was part of an interconnected economic trade network.

 

View of the fortified enclosure

View of the fortified enclosure from the west
(photo courtesy of M-H. Gates)

 

Following an intermediate phase or rebuilding, a large well preserved and articulated fortified structure was constructed and inhabited in the last two phases of occupation. The structure measured 25 x 25 m with corner square towers and tower buttresses arrayed along the midpoints of the massive fortification wall. The building was built directly over the Early Islamic enclosure. Internal walls created rooms about 3.4 m to a side and were built above earlier leveled walls. A thin black floor surface with many large sized ceramic sherds was the living surface of the structure which was subsequently destroyed by fire, evident from thick layers of burning within the building in the uppermost phases. This was corroborated by geophysical evidence of burning only in the area of the fortified structure and nowhere else on the site itself. The structure belongs to the period of Byzantine reconquest of the region or the Middle Byzantine period. Unlike the Early Islamic period of occupation, no other structures were found on the site during this period but the well-built fortified enclosure. In contrast to the Early Islamic phases, preliminary faunal analysis showed a significant and majority presence of pig, many bones of which were juvenile with butchery marks, suggesting that pigs were bred for meat production from this phase of the enclosure. Pottery ranged from the tenth to early twelfth and constituted a predominately less local and more Levantine and Egyptian coastally connected assemblage. The presence of many metal and industrial objects and weaving related objects suggests that some rooms were used as workshops or stables or other livestock areas. Some may have had purposeful usage, for example one room revealed at least four clay pestles while another room had none. The discovery of horseshoes and nails in great amounts from the excavations suggests the importance in manufacture and/or trade in iron. The material culture of the period of Byzantine reconquest on the frontier implies more connection and exchange with Islamic lands than suggested by historical sources which paint a picture of instability and holy war. The fortified enclosure of the latest phase seems of similar size and orientation to the Early Islamic one below and as such, can be used to hypothesize what the Early Islamic structure represented. This type of structure, based on its small size, qusûr type of arrangement, mid to late eighth century date, and open location along major frontier roads corresponds with the category of the fortified waystation, seen throughout the frontier, and part of a network of sites built in the early ‘Abbasid period. Geophysical survey indicated that there are more extramural buildings like the domestic structure, between the fortified enclosure and the coast. This raises the possibility whether there was continual settlement down to the sea not relegated within the confines of a fortification questioning the idea militarized frontier and garrison under constant threat.

 

View of the fortified

View of the fortified enclosure from the west during excavation
(photo courtesy of M-H. Gates)

 

Key to the project was an environmental investigation whose aims were to locate the elements of a timber industry. In a geomorphological trench excavated at the coastal faultline, a buried peat layer contained many well-preserved pieces of wood laying along parallel lines outside of a building with a tile and plaster floor and two Early Islamic large buff amphora fragments and an Early Islamic eighth to tenth century brittleware holemouth cooking pot. Remote sensing using CORONA satellite imagery shows a relic stream, the Tüm Çay, coming down off the Amanus Mountains and opening up into a lagoonal delta west of the site. The lagoon would presumably have also functioned as the harbor anchorage. Geomorphological survey into the Tüm Çay watershed at the foot of the mountains showed one other significant Early Islamic site on the streambed which would have facilitated the transportation of timber. Southeast of the site, near Kinet Höyük, we excavated patches of a Roman/Late Roman coastal road used in the medieval periods in 2005. These elements – the excavated wood, coastline, anchorage/harbor, river, coastal road, and a contemporary site on the same river – build a picture of the environmental landscape of the site and the site’s connection to its immediate natural resources, its role in the procuring and shipping timber, and the site’s wider connections.

The frontier site of Early Islamic/Middle Byzantine Hisn al-Tînât alludes to the complex symbiotic yet stable relationship of a militarized and economic resource-based frontier for an otherwise turbulent period of history generally thought to be characterized by one of general decline, abandonment, or conquest by Islamic (including later Saljuq), Byzantine, and Crusader groups. Future work in 2011 will target the Early Islamic enclosure, port, and area in between, examine the capacity for timber trade with geomorphological excavation and coring of the streambed and coastline, and finish analysis of the material culture to gain a better understanding of the scale of these short and long distance networks on the frontier.

Alexandre Asa Eger