ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
CYTRYN-SILVERMAN Katia

Between 22nd March and 8th April 2009, and later in the year between 12th October and 10th November, the ancient city centre of Tiberias on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee was excavated by the author, under the auspices of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Fig. 1).

Figure 1

Figure 1


Tiberias, founded in the first century CE by Herod Antipas and an important Jewish centre from the third century onwards, became the district capital of Jund al-Urdunn during the early Islamic period, from the mid/late 7th up until the end of the 11th century. Yet up until recently, despite its historical importance in early Islamic history, the descriptive literary accounts and the many excavations undertaken since the 1930s, archaeologists remained mainly concerned with the Classical city.
In 2006, while studying the architectural remains of the Roman-Byzantine city-centre, the author posited that a pillared-building abutting the city's main bathhouse, the cardo and its shops, so far identified as a marketplace of the Byzantine period, should be identified as Tiberias congregational mosque, most probably erected under the Umayyads during the eighth century (Cytryn-Silverman 2009). With the aim of confirming this supposition, and also of exploring the various features of the early Islamic city-centre, a three-year archaeological project was initiated this year. So far ten trenches of different sizes have been opened (Fig. 2). In addition, the results from previous excavations are being re-evaluated in light of the new approach and interpretation of the site.

 

Figure 2

Figure 2

The Mosque (Fig. 3)

Figure 3

Figure 3

 

When the Israeli archaeologist Bezalel Ravani ended his seven-year excavations at Tiberias in 1959, he had exposed a large section of a monumental pillared building east of the Roman cardo and north of a Byzantine bathhouse. He interpreted this building as a Byzantine covered market, and reconstructed it as a three-aisled structure on stylobates, crossed in the centre by a row of massive pillars. The building, if reconstructed symmetrically, is a "broad house" of ca. 78 meters east-west, and ca. 26 meters north-south.
Until recently its identification as a market was generally accepted, even though the reused Jewish tomb doors as pillar bases, the remains of marble paneling in situ, the many glass tesserae from wall mosaics, as well as chains for mosque lamps, all pointed otherwise. Its direction off-south, and its dimensions which closely relate to those of the Great Mosque of Damascus (ca. 157.5 m wide, i.e. twice the size), make it more than probable that this building was Tiberias congregational mosque, the very one described by Muqaddasī in the end of the 10th century and by Nāsir-i-Khusraw in the mid-11th.
That the building came out of use in the eleventh century was clear already in 2004, when Hirschfeld excavated collapsed roof tiles over smashed glass mosque lamps typical of the period, as well as a brass chain, similar to pieces retrieved by Ravani in the 1950s (Fig. 4a) and by us during the last season (Fig. 4b).

 

Figure 4a

Figure 4a

 

Figure 4b

Figure 4b

 

The Mihrāb (Fig. 5)

Perhaps the main difficulty in conclusively identifying the pillared building as a mosque prior to the field work was the failure to identify a prayer niche. But in spring 2009, while analyzing the area behind the qibla wall, it was noticed that a stone floor abutting it, excavated by Hirschfeld in 2004, overlies a foundation in the shape of a quarter of a circle, made of gravel and small pebbles. This feature forms a semi-circle ca. 2.9 m wide and protrudes from the back of the south wall, right in the axis of the transept, the focus of the covered hall. It thus seems safe to identify it as a protruding prayer niche.

 

Figure 5

Figure 5

The Covered Hall (M2)

So far four trenches have been opened in the eastern side of the covered hall, which was left unexcavated by Ravani (Fig. 6). The south-eastern corner of the mosque was found, though its eastern wall has been obliterated by infrastructure works in the early 20th century. The symmetry of the hall was confirmed by the finding of sections of both middle and southern stylobates, while the chronology of the various floors, as well as that of a series of coarsely made short supports placed in-between the rows of pillars, will be possible after the careful study of the pottery, glass and rich numismatic evidence recovered from these trenches.

 

Figure 6

Figure 6


So far we have learned that the material collected from the fill underneath the earliest of these floors, thoroughly sieved, consists of Roman (mainly 2nd-3rd centuries) through late Byzantine-early Islamic pottery (6th-early 8th centuries), a high number of Byzantine minimi and many pieces of glass vessels, mostly of late Byzantine date. A few post-Umayyad pieces were also retrieved, but they originated from a disturbance, which might have been caused by the fracturing of the upper floor by an earthquake (that of 1068, believed to have destroyed the mosque?), an issue to be further pursued.
A most interesting finding in this area is that of a geometric mosaic floor, composed of large tesserae (ca. 2 cm square) and in a style characteristic of the late Byzantine-early Islamic periods (6th-7th centuries?). The mosaic, which clearly relates to a wall running north-south, west of the mosque's proposed enclosure wall, is missing its frame near the mosque's southern wall, where it was cut through when the mosque was erected. The same process is clearly seen at the foundation of the southern stylobate, which cuts through the mosaic floor.

Behind the Qibla Wall

Two trenches have been opened so far to the south of the qibla wall, with the aim of understanding the architectural remains found in 2004 and to clarify its relationship both to the mosque and to the adjacent bathhouse. So far the only consistent finds are column bases embedded in the floor which covers the protruding miḥrāb (and consequently later in date to the foundation of the mosque). Further excavations shall reveal the character of this building.

The Northern Boundaries (Area M1-north)

In the northern section of the site, postulated as the building's northern boundaries, two trenches were opened. In the spring a section of a well-built wall, running east-west was revealed. The wall's location was found not far from that suggested in the theoretical scheme, and was thus interpreted as the mosque's northern wall. A floor made out of light brown hard packed soil abutted it on the north, while underneath it the wall's foundation trench yielded transitional Late Byzantine-Early Islamic pottery. It is thus possible to relate it to the mosque's building phase.
In addition, the stylobate of the courtyard's northern arcade was also uncovered, in line with its northeastern corner found by the late Y. Hirschfeld's team in a memorial dig in 2008. It also had a floor relating to it, but only on its southern side facing the proposed courtyard, while to the north the wall was abutted by a deep fill of sterile soil. This abnormality seemed difficult to explain, as was the long distance of almost 7.5 m between the stylobate and the northern wall which seemed too big to be bridged by a single aisle.
In the autumn this abnormality was partly answered: while further excavating the sterile soil with machinery, an additional wall was found in-between the two architectural features already exposed. Further clearing also explained the lack of a floor in that area- an underground two-aisled cistern (Fig. 7) ca. 4 m deep, had collapsed in that area, negatives of the fallen arches still clearly seen on the plastered walls of the structure. With the aim of finding the boundaries of the cistern, we removed recent accumulations to the west of the trench to reveal the continuation of the northern wall, as well as the edge of the cistern, which end up being ca. 17x7.5 m internally.

 

Figure 7

Figure 7


The bottom of the cistern, still plastered and covered by collapsed stones, was only reached in the last day of excavations in November.
During the next season we aim at clearing the accumulation over the collapse, to carefully excavate it, and finally reach the plastered floor and date its last days of use. In the meanwhile, we can propose that the portico's floor collapsed into the cistern, eventually filled by a sterile soil.
To the north of the mosque we found a section of a stone floor which perhaps approached the mosque. On the western side a wall running north-south seems to belong to a different unit, apparently pre-dating the mosque. A small section of a geometric mosaic floor was found in this area, and seems stylistically related to the mosaic found in the southeastern corner of the site, which clearly pre-dates the mosque. Further walls and remains of floors were excavated in this area, all producing pottery dating to the Late Byzantine period.
The importance of the excavations in this area is great due to its close proximity to the Byzantine church (fourth-fifth century), partially excavated by the Israel Antiquities Authority. Further work in this area might allow us to better understand the urban setting of the mosque in relation to the pre-Islamic planning, in which the church might have served as an important focus.

The Western Boundaries (Area M1-west)

To the west of the site two trenches were opened (Fig. 8) in line with the mosque's western wall, and on the axis of the basilical building's apse (in the east, first excavated by A. Druks in the 1960s and further explored by Hirschfeld). The works have confirmed the continuation of the western wall northwards and it enclosing the proposed courtyard. It has also showed how this area relates to the cardo and its shops. The possibility of an entrance to the mosque on the basilical-building east-west axis was checked but could not be proved.

 

Figure 8

Figure 8


Late intrusions disturbed the area to the west of the wall, causing the excavation at this spot to be reduced. No clear levels could be associated with the mosque, though in the autumn season some deepening in this area revealed a short wall built in a east-west direction, most possibly that of a shop.
Still, interesting finds were retrieved west of the wall, including arrow-heads, a marble slab with an Arabic inscription in angular writing (Fig. 9), as well as good pottery assemblages dating to the 9th-10th centuries. The many pottery finds dating to the early Roman period (1st-2nd centuries AD) collected in this area strengthen the possibility that the western wall is in fact either a remain of a pre-Islamic structure, or that it was built over an earlier foundation, going back to the early days of Tiberias history.
In the autumn the stylobate of the western portico and the relating courtyard level were revealed, pointing to a symmetrical planning around the proposed mosque's courtyard.

 

Figure 9

Figure 9

Future work at Tiberias' city centre

In the end of 2008 the municipality of Tiberias inaugurated a public archaeological park (Berko Park) to the south of our present excavations, at the site of the Roman city gate and adjoining remains of the cardo. In addition, much investment has been made in exposing an early Roman theatre next to the park, overlooking our site (by the Israel Antiquities Authority). In contrast, the area of our present excavations, with its monumental structures of the city-centre from Roman through Islamic times, remains outside the perimeter of Berko Park. At the moment, this area actually serves as an emergency access for the park.
It is our goal to continue our works and fully excavate the mosque, its underlying geometric mosaic and the building south of it in order to properly research and to preserve this important site. We also aim to further explore its boundaries and even slightly beyond, in order to assess and understand key features of the early Islamic urban layout and ways of Islamization of the classical city. Hopefully such encompassing works will motivate the planners to include our site within the limits of the archaeological park, which should, amongst others, stress the multicultural heritage of Tiberias.

Katia Cytryn-Silverman
The Institute of Archaeology &Dept. of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

References
K. Cytryn-Silverman, "The Umayyad Mosque of Tiberias," Muqarnas 26, 2009, pp. 37-61.
Official site: http://archaeology.huji.ac.il

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
Agnès CHARPENTIER et CHENOUFI Brahim

Une coopération entre le Musée de Tlemcen, la circonscription archéologique des wilayas du pays tlemcenien et le laboratoire URMED menée depuis 2004 a permis d'initier un projet de recherche portant sur « Architectures palatines et décors d'époque abd al-wadide à Tlemcen : études archéologiques et opération de sauvetage » que la Fondation Max van Berchem a bien voulu soutenir.
Notre travail s'organise autour de deux axes : la réalisation de l'inventaire des collections islamiques du musée et l'étude archéologique des vestiges palatins d'époque abd al-wadide au Meshouar.
Ville située au carrefour de deux routes commerciales majeures qui permettaient de relier les zones sahariennes à la Méditerranée et les terres du Maghreb extrême à l'Ifriqiya, Tlemcen tient une place toute particulière dans l'histoire du Maghreb, et des liens soutenus très tôt attestés avec al-Andalus de l'âge omeyyade au royaume nasride de Grenade renforcent cette singularité. Convoitée très tôt par les souverains maghrébins et parfois annexée dès le XIIe siècle, Tlemcen a cependant vu s'épanouir une architecture et un art qui lui sont propres. La dynastie abd al-wadide qui réussit à s'imposer à partir de 1235 élève la ville au rang de capitale ; elle saura développer, malgré les attaques mérinides et un émirat parfois fragile, un art original qui allie aux traditions locales des influences venues de la Péninsule ibérique comme du Maghreb extrême.

 

Decor sculpté sur stuc

Pl. 1 Décor sculpté sur stuc de la grande mosquée d'Agadir : Le style de cette composition développée de part et d'autre d'un axe de symétrie vertical évoque clairement par ses formes et, en particulier, ses palmes à digitations d'acanthe l'art du règne de Yusuf ibn Tashfin, surtout connu à Tlemcen par la grande mosquée de la fondation almoravide de Tagrart ; l'émir n'avait donc pas négligé le sanctuaire de la première madina musulmane. On notera avec intérêt la facture des deux palmes lisses qui annoncent, dès ces années 1106-1136, l'art almohade.


Le Musée de Tlemcen possède une riche collection d'éléments de décors architecturaux, pour l'essentiel déposés lors des restaurations effectuées sur les monuments de la ville dès la fin du XIXe siècle. Des fragments mis au jour lors des fouilles entreprises au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles dans la ville et dans son terroir sont également conservés au Musée. Ces divers dépôts n'ont pas toujours été accompagnés d'inventaire ; l'attribution des pièces à un monument ou à un site précis n'est donc pas toujours facile. Un recollement des pièces ainsi que la mise en place d'un inventaire informatisé nous a donc semblé indispensable.
L'inventaire des collections islamiques du musée s'appuie sur une application développée par le professeur Michel Terrasse. Elle comprend, outre une fiche d'analyse de l'objet intégrant les documents graphiques qui le concernent, des liens avec une base de données bibliographique, iconographique et vers des fichiers d'inventaire et d'analyse monumentale. L'objet est ainsi, chaque fois que cela est possible, relié au dossier du monument dont il est issu.
Une recherche iconographique a été menée d'abord dans le catalogue publié par William Marçais en 1906 et dans les articles scientifiques anciens afin de pouvoir retrouver la provenance de certaines pièces ; les archives des monuments historiques du Ministère de la Culture français ont été également analysées afin de pouvoir retrouver l'histoire des restaurations des monuments de Tlemcen. Ce long travail a porté des fruits, même si la provenance de quelques petits fragments de stucs ou de mosaïque n'a pu être établie. Leur analyse archéologique a toutefois été possible.
Parallèlement, une analyse des monuments de Tlemcen a été entreprise pour mieux comprendre l'emploi de certaines pièces. Ainsi, des fragments insolites de chapiteau émaillé que l'on trouve au musée ont été expliqués par l'analyse des décors des minarets. Il apparaît que les chapiteaux émaillés proviennent des arcatures qui donnent naissance aux décors d'entrelacs losangés qui animent leurs faces. Il est donc désormais possible de cataloguer la pièce de façon certaine, même si l'attribution à un minaret reste formelle : les restaurations des Monuments historiques français n'ont malheureusement pas donné lieu à un inventaire des pièces remplacées.
En revanche, une étude du sanctuaire de Sidi al-Halwi nous a permis de confirmer la provenance des pièces d'artesonados et de frises conservées au musée. Elle a également permis de mettre en lumière la portée d'une restauration « à l'identique » effectuée par le service des Monuments historiques dont les archives conservent seulement la trace.
On le voit, l'inventaire du musée ne peut se faire qu'en symbiose avec une étude de la ville et de ses monuments.
L'analyse des bois sculptés a de même permis d'importantes découvertes sur l'emploi de la couleur dans la sculpture du XIVe siècle qui confirment les études publiées par M. Terrasse sur la madrasa de Sabta. On a ainsi mis en évidence que la sculpture de certaines frises, à première vue sommaire, s'expliquait par le décor polychrome peint dont les reliefs abrupts de la sculpture n'était que le support. De même, l'étude des zellijs a mis en lumière la complexité et la richesse des tracés qui structurent les décors ; la palette des couleurs, elle-même très riche, semble caractéristique de l'art abd al-wadide.
L'inventaire des pièces est achevé, leur analyse approfondie se poursuit avec la rédaction d'un catalogue qui pourrait être mis sous presse en 2007.
Cette recherche sur les pièces conservées au musée de Tlemcen et sur les monuments de la ville permet ainsi de mieux redéfinir les relations entre l'émirat abd al-wadide, le royaume nasride et les terres mérinides. Si les liens artistiques avec la Péninsule ibérique sont dès longtemps connus, ceux qui unissent l'émirat tlemcenien et le royaume mérinide restent à redéfinir. Il apparaît en effet qu'un atelier tlemcenien soit allé travailler au Maroc et que des réalisations mérinides à Tlemcen aient été effectuées par des maîtres d'œuvre abd al-wadides, parfois sous la conduite d'un maître d'œœuvre mérinide — c'est le cas de Mansura — parfois avec une plus grande liberté de création : l'élévation de la porte de la mosquée de Sidi al-Halwi ou celle de la porte de la mosquée de Sidi Bu Madyan en sont de parfaits exemples.

Chapiteau d'onyx

Pl. 2 Chapiteau d'onyx provenant de la grande mosquée de la ville mérinide de al-Mansura : Ce demi-chapiteau d'onyx présente un schéma classique de composite à bandeau où un cylindre orné d'un méandre d'acanthe supporte une corbeille composée d'un jeu de palmes lisses simples et doubles. Il est fidèle au modèle tlemcénien du bas Moyen Age sculpté dans un bloc cubique de 0,60m. d'arête. Les émirs mérinides, pour la ville qui affirmait leur pouvoir aux portes de Tlemcen, avaient eu recours à des ateliers locaux.


Le second volet de notre recherche porte sur l'analyse et la sauvegarde des vestiges du Meshouar. Lieu de résidence des souverains abd al-wadides depuis que l'émir Yaghmorasen y établit sa résidence au XIIIe siècle, le site a servi de lieu de garnison aux troupes turques, puis françaises. Les palais du Meshouar, dont les textes nous disent la magnificence, n'ont semble-t-il pas été entretenus par les troupes ottomanes, et les relations des officiers français laissent entrevoir, dès 1835, que ces bâtiments étaient largement en état de ruine ou délabrés. Le corps du Génie va toutefois tenter de réutiliser un grand nombre de ces architectures pour permettre le logement des troupes. Un dépouillement exhaustif des archives conservées par le Service historique de la Défense du Ministère de la Défense français nous a permis, en complétant les sources anciennes, de retracer avec une certaine exactitude l'histoire de ce site.
A la fin du XXe siècle, la municipalité de Tlemcen a entrepris de faire du Meshouar une vaste esplanade : la démolition des vestiges de la caserne et de l'hôpital militaire français fut donc décidée. Seul un bâtiment a pu être épargné grâce à l'action du conservateur du Musée de Tlemcen ; il atteste la véracité des plans dressés par le Génie à la fin du XIXe siècle : des vestiges de stucs, des peintures et de zellijs décorant le palais sont ainsi apparus. Leur facture laisse penser qu'il s'agit d'un décor du bas Moyen Age, sans doute du XIVe siècle, que l'on peut rapprocher d'œuvres mérinides ou nasrides. La précarité des conditions de conservation de ces vestiges implique une opération urgente d'analyse et de réflexion sur le plus sûr moyen de les conserver. La rareté des enduits peints dans les décors attestés pour le bas Moyen Age renforce, s'il en était besoin, l'urgente nécessité d'une telle étude et la mise en œuvre de ses conclusions.
Des travaux préparatoires à une fouille exhaustive ont été effectués comportant relevés, photographies et mise en place d'une stratégie de conservation. Celle-ci devrait avoir lieu au printemps. La richesse des vestiges apparus atteste de la richesse des palais abd al-wadides. L'étude des zellijs retrouvés in situ comparée avec celle de panneaux conservés au musée et désormais reliés au site palatin permettra sans doute de proposer une chronologie des vestiges du Mechouar et de ceux des collections archéologiques anciennes.

 

Poutre de bois sculpté

Pl. 3 Poutre de bois sculpté provenant sans doute du palais abd al-wadide du Meshouar : Cette frise d'arcatures florales qui enserrent alternativement des palmettes creusées en coquille et un motif kufique dont le haut des hampes opposées est seul conservé ; ce registre épigraphique s'inscrit dans un encadrement rectangulaire et des écoinçons dessinés par un décor de palmes. A la partie supérieure de la pièce, une ligne de rose entre deux listels avait reçu, comme l'ensemble de la pièce, un décor peint analogue à celui que l'on a retrouvé à Sidi al-Halwi ou à la madrasa de Sabta (XIVe siècle)


Cette recherche sur l'art abd al-wadide menée grâce au soutien de la Fondation devrait se poursuivre les prochaines années. Aux publications « classiques » en préparation, se joindra un site Internet qui rendra compte de l'évolution de la ville et de sa région. Tlemceniens et chercheurs auront ainsi accès à un outil qui leur permettra de restituer la double ville médiévale par delà les ruptures de l'invasion ottomane et de la mode « haussmanienne » qui a marqué l'urbanisme de la période française. Aux collections du musée inventoriées se joindront ainsi des archives et un musée virtuel de l'émirat abd al-wadide, de ses racines, des interventions omeyyades du Xe siècle à celles des Almoravides et des Almohades dont l'œuvre est désormais établie.

Agnès Charpentier

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
BUJARD Jacques avec BONNET Charles

 

La Fondation Max van Berchem consacre une large part de son budget à une mission de fouilles en Jordanie dont la première campagne a eu lieu en 1988.

Etapes de l'islamisation

Après plusieurs visites préparatoires en 1987, deux sites ont été retenus dans la région de Madaba: Umm er-Rasas et Umm el-Walid. Les recherches entreprises ont pour principal objectif d'obtenir une meilleure compréhension des étapes de l'islamisation dans une région profondément marquée par plusieurs siècles de christianisme. Ce thème de l'islamisation a été assez peu abordé d'un point de vue architectural, et une analyse archéologique détaillée d'édifices contemporains de cette transformation religieuse et culturelle peut apporter des compléments intéressants aux enseignements tirés des textes et de l'iconographie.
Cette mission est menée par Jacques Bujard et Marc-André Haldimann, sous la direction de Charles Bonnet, archéologue cantonal de Genève.

Deux églises accolées

La forteresse de Umm er-Rasas, l'ancienne Kastron Mefaa, se présente sous la forme d'un grand quadrilatère de 120 par 140 m de côté à l'intérieur duquel subsistent d'innombrables blocs provenant de bâtiments effondrés. Deux églises accolées et situées dans la ville ont été retenues comme premier objectif de travail par les archéologues; en effet, la bonne conservation des maçonneries et les traces de nombreux remaniements permettaient de penser que la chronologie générale du site pourrait être mise en évidence et qu'il serait possible de comprendre l'utilisation de ces deux sanctuaires pendant les premiers siècles de l'islamisation de la région.
Les deux églises ont été dégagées en 1988 et en 1989 révélant des sols en mosaïque aux qualités artistiques remarquables. Elles ont vraisemblablement été érigées au VIe siècle et abandonnées au VIIIe siècle. Les églises ont ensuite été réutilisées, avant leur effondrement, comme lieux de campement ainsi que l'attestent des foyers.

 

Umm er Rasas les deux eglises

J. Bujard. Umm er-Rasas : les deux églises en 1990 après leur dégagement.

 

Umm er Rasas sol en mosaique

J. Bujard. Umm er-Rasas : sol en mosaïque de l'un des chœurs.

Une mosquée et un palais

La mosquée de Umm el-Walid, de plan rectangulaire, avait d'abord été identifiée comme un temple dorique, puis une église byzantine rurale. Le remblai d'installation de l'édifice peut être daté de l'époque omeyade; malgré l'absence d'un mihrab, la fonction de mosquée du premier bâtiment est attestée par son emplacement à l'écart de l'agglomération antique ainsi que par le plan presque identique de l'édifice postérieur mamelouke, dégagé en 1988. Son abandon remonte a la période ayyoubide / mamelouke. Jusqu'à présent citée comme un des rares sanctuaires ruraux ne dépendant pas d'un qasr omeyade, cette affirmation a pu être corrigée lors de la fouille de 1989 par le dégagement partiel d'un bâtiment identifié comme un caravansérail par Brünnow et Domaschewsky et dont la fonction palatiale a été établie. La mosquée rejoint donc la catégorie mieux connue des mosquées palatiales.

 

Umm el Walid la mosquee

J. Bujard. Umm el-Walid : la mosquée.

 

Le plan du qasr forme un carré approximatif 70,50 m de côté dont l'enceinte, conservée par endroits sur près de 3 m de hauteur, est rythmée par 15 tours.Sa construction n'est pas encore datée, mais elle remonte vraisemblablement à l'époque omeyade. Son dégagement partiel pendant la campagne du printemps 1990 a révélé son organisation interne : cinq appartements (bayt), composés chacun de cinq à six salles adossées à l'enceinte et s'ouvrant sur des portiques érigés dans des cours privées, entourent une cour centrale. Dans une salle fouillée en détail, on a mis à jour un nombre important d'objets, soigneusement rangés le long du mur (cruches, bouilloire zoomorphe, balance, bassines, brûle-parfums en bronze, récipients en verre, en céramique et en pierre olaire) et datables des VIIIe-IXe siècles, période où le bâtiment fut abandonné.

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
Katherine BURKE

Jaffa (Ar. Yafa, Heb. Yafo), now in the southern part of Tel Aviv, has been an important Mediterranean port for nearly all of its long history (figure 1). Archaeological work at Jaffa reveals that the site has been inhabited from at least the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 1900 BCE) to the present, and for much of that time served as the port of Jerusalem, which is 60 km to its southeast. The tell itself sits on a sandstone kurkar ridge overlooking the Mediterranean Sea, with a lower town to the north, east, and south of the tell that was inhabited in periods of prosperity.

 

Figure 1

Figure 1

 

Although the site has been excavated nearly continuously for the past fifty years, by various institutions, little of these excavations has been published. A new research initiative aims to remedy this, by synthesizing results of excavations by Jacob Kaplan, who excavated in Jaffa on behalf of the Tel Aviv municipality from 1955 to 1982, with those from more recent excavations by the Israel Antiquities Authority, and new research excavations. The new research excavations and the publication project are joint undertakings by the Jaffa Cultural Heritage Project, a partnership between the Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at the University of California, Los Angeles, and the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA).

One aspect of the publication project has focused on the ceramics from the Early Islamic and Crusader occupations of the site. The end goal is a full typology of the pottery from these periods and beyond, but the work has begun with comprehensive publications of the Early Islamic and Crusader ceramics from recent IAA excavations, thanks to funding from the Fondation Max van Berchem (Burke In preparation-a; In preparation-b; Burke and Stern Forthcoming). To date these excavations have produced very little Early Islamic material, a plethora of Crusader era material, and little Mamluk material. The Early Islamic ceramic assemblage can nevertheless be characterized as similar to other Early Islamic ceramic assemblages in the region, as will be elaborated on below. Any statistical analysis of this assemblage will have to wait for a larger dataset, however.

Most of the excavations to date that reveal Early Islamic and Crusader occupation have taken place within the area that was the lower town, so our picture of Jaffa in the medieval periods is from the periphery rather than the center. This means that our understanding of the city in these periods is incomplete, and may be somewhat distorted. The lower town was normally occupied in periods of prosperity. This is also the reason that we have little Mamluk material, as according to the textual record in this period the town had contracted, and we should expect to find remains either immediately adjacent to the port, or perhaps on the tell (e.g., Arbel 2008; Buhl and Bosworth 2002: 234?35; Peilstöcker 2009; Peilstöcker and Burke 2009; Peilstöcker, et al. 2006).

Archaeological remains indicate strong continuity between the Byzantine and Early Islamic occupations of Jaffa. The lower town was apparently an area of mixed industrial and domestic use, with many structures in use from the Byzantine into the Early Islamic period (For a full discussion see Foran In press). For example, wine presses in the lower town were used from the Byzantine period into the beginning part of the Early Islamic period (Peilstöcker, et al. 2006). Other Transitional and Early Islamic period installations in the lower town of an industrial nature are metal smelting installations and an installation used for either cloth dyeing or leather tanning (Arbel 2008; Dagot 2008; Peilstöcker, et al. 2006).

On the eve of the Muslim conquest in 634 CE, Jaffa was the seat of a Bishopric and an increasingly important port of Christian pilgrimage (Foran In press; Tolkowsky 1924: 74). Soon after the conquest Jaffa was likely fortified, as were the major Syrian ports, by the second and third caliphs ‘Umar and ‘Uthman (Baladhuri). These fortifications have not yet been identified archaeologically. The ceramics from the Transitional period in the seventh century are comparable to those from Jaffa’s neighbors in the region such as Caesarea, Yoqne’am, Bet Shean, Tiberias, and Pella. Byzantine pottery types are still in use, such as Gaza ware storage jars, southern Palestinian bag-shaped jars, northern Palestinian bag-shaped jars, fine Byzantine ware, Egyptian red slip, and various bowls and basins with or without comb-incising (figure 2).[1]

 

Figure 2

Figure 2

 

The first Islamic pottery types appear in the late seventh or early eighth century. In this period, that is after 714 CE, Jaffa became the port of Ramla, the newly founded capital of the jund (military district) of Filastin. According to the geographer al-Muqaddasi (writing in the late tenth century) at this time Jaffa was also a ribat of Ramla, a fortified site at which warriors would assemble to fight off Byzantine ships (Le Strange 1886; Masarwa 2008). As with the Transitional period, these ceramic types are familiar from the region of Palestine and Jordan, including white-painted ware jars (figure 3 cf. Walmsley 1991: Figs. 3-4; Watson 1992), creamware pilgrim flasks (Avissar 1996: fig. XIII.145. Type 19; Rosen-Ayalon 2006: Pl. 5), monochrome glazed bowls, painted and glazed bowls, “Coptic” glazed ware (figure 3, cf. Avissar 1996: 1977?78, fig. XIII.3:3), and ribbed cooking pans and pots with cut rims and horizontal handles (Arnon 2007: Fig. 15:3?4; Stacey 2004: fig. 5.32:6?7).[2]

 

Figure 3

Figure 3

 

Continuing through the Early Islamic period and including types that date anywhere from the eighth century to the tenth century, are marble ware, seen as a continuation of Byzantine fine ware (figure 4), Egyptian chaff-tempered basins (handmade and wheelmade, see figure 5), plain basins (figure 5), glaze-painted bowls (figure 6, Arnon 1999: fig. 4h; Avissar 1996: fig. XIII.2:4, Photo XIII.I, Type 2; Scanlon 1974: 73, Pl. XIX:8; Zagórska 1990: 84, Pl. I:2), polychrome splash glazed bowls (figure 6), and “splashed and mottled” glazed bowls (figure 6, Arnon 2007: fig. 3:2?3, 6; Avissar 1996: 78?79, Type 76). Zirs and sphero-conical vessels were perhaps made in Ramla (figure 4, Arnon 2003: 124; 2007: fig. 14:5?7). Creamware jugs and juglets are wheel or mold-made, with and without impressed decoration and with and without filters. Some of these may also have been made in Ramla (figure 7, Arnon 2007: fig. 7:1; Rosen-Ayalon and Eitan 1969: Pl. 5). Parallels for these are known to have come from as far away as Iraq, Iran, Egypt, and southern Arabia, and continue to be made into later periods (e.g., Ciuk and Keall 1996: 42, Pl. 95/12; Kennet 2004: 57; Mason and Keall 1990: 175; Whitcomb and Johnson 1979: Pls. 38:b, c).

 

Figure 4

Figure 4

 

Figure 5

Figure 5

 

Figure 6

Figure 6

 

Figure 7

Figure 7

 

The ceramic types of the Early Islamic period, as well as the few remains of installations and architecture, do not reflect the turmoil of the period that is suggested by the textual accounts regarding southern Palestine. In 750 CE the region fell under the control of the ‘Abbasids, but throughout the ninth and tenth centuries was periodically conquered and re-conquered by forces from Egypt (Tulunids, Ikhshids, and eventually Fatimids). At this time (in the late tenth century) al-Muqaddasi describes Jaffa as “a small town, although the emporium of Palestine and the port of Ar Ramlah. It is protected by an impregnable fortress, with iron gates; and the sea-gates also are of iron. The mosque is pleasant to the eye, and overlooks the sea. The harbor is excellent” (Le Strange 1886: 54). The Fatimids then struggled to keep the region out of the hands of Qarmati forces, Bedouin raiders, and eventually (and unsuccessfully), Seljuk armies (Sharon 2001).

By the end of the Early Islamic period, that is in the eleventh century, ceramic types reflect connections with southern Lebanon, as seen particularly in glazed and sometimes incised redware bowls made famous by the Ser?e Limani shipwreck (Figure 8, e.g., Avissar and Stern 2005: Fig. 1., Type I.1.1; Jenkins 1992). Other types possibly made in southern Lebanon are cooking pots, of both the shallow pan shape and the deep globular variety, usually with brown glaze in the interior of the base (Figure 9, cf. Arnon 2007: Fig. 15:2; Avissar 1996: 139, Fig. XIII.00:1, Type 13; el-Masri 1997: Fig. 4; Stacey 2004: fig. 5.32:14). By this time documents found in the Cairo Geniza indicate that Jaffa was engaged in exporting the olive oil of Ramla, and also sat on a minor trade route that ran between Alexandria and Constantinople (Goldberg 2005).

Figure 8

Figure 8

 

Figure 9

Figure 9

 

In 1099 Frankish armies took Jaffa and it became the port of Jerusalem, the capital of the Latin Kingdom. Jaffa became the seat of the County of Jaffa (to become the County of Jaffa and Ascalon after the latter fell in 1153). Various entities owned portions of the city, such as the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Pisans, and the Templars and Hospitallers (Richard 1979: 74-75, 87, 99, 270?71). Despite the violence of the transfer of power, and indeed the violence of the preceding century, the theme once again visible in the archaeology of Jaffa is that of continuity. Certain elements of the town plan and infrastructure remained the same for long periods of time, such as streets (Peilstöcker, et al. 2006). Other installations also had a long history, although function may have changed over time. For example, the aforementioned wine press built in the Byzantine period and used into the Early Islamic period functioned as a storage facility from the later Early Islamic through the entire Crusader period (Peilstöcker, et al. 2006). Some houses in the lower town were used from the end of the Byzantine period to end of Crusader era (Peilstöcker, et al. 2006). Nevertheless there are also detectable changes, as the lower town was walled for the first time, and in some parts of it Early Islamic remains were razed to make room for new structures (Arbel 2008; Peilstöcker, et al. 2006).

The ceramics of the Crusader Era at Jaffa, like those at Acre, can be divided into early and later assemblages, mainly based upon imported types, the dates of which are known from excavations outside of southern Palestine. The early assemblage at Jaffa, which dates from the beginning of the twelfth to the early thirteenth century, has been recovered from few contexts, the nature of which is not always clear (see, e.g., Burke and Stern Forthcoming). At the beginning of this period Jaffa was still the port of Jerusalem, but after the latter’s fall to Salah al-Din in 1187, the port of Acre became the capital of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, having already surpassed Jaffa in importance to Mediterranean trade and the trade of the Latin Kingdom some time in the twelfth century, due to its much better harbor (Jacoby 1997: 157; 1998). As we know it so far, the early assemblage at Jaffa is comprised of 70% ceramics of regional origin (none has yet been identified as having been manufactured in Jaffa) and 30% imports, the latter of which are almost all comprised of table wares made in the Aegean region (figure 10), with a minority of pottery types—all amphorae—originating in the Black Sea area. Both regions were under the control of the Byzantine Empire at the time. Of the regionally-made ceramics, 85% demonstrate continuity with the Early Islamic assemblage, as they most likely have an origin in southern Lebanon (Burke and Stern Forthcoming). These include more of the “Ser?e Limani bowls” mentioned above, but also tablewares of the same or similar red fabric that are decorated in numerous ways: monochrome brown glaze, slip-paint under a clear or yellowish glaze, splashed slip under yellow and often green glaze, and those that are dipped in a thin slip or wash, often incised, and glazed monochrome yellow or green (figure 11). Cooking vessels of similar but sandier fabric also continue the Early Islamic tradition, appearing in either in the form of a pan or globular pot, with thin walls, a variety of rather simple rim forms, and brown glaze on the interior base or the entire interior (figure 12, cf. Arnon 2008: 48, 53, 328?29, 73, Types 761 and 75; Avissar and Stern 2005: Type II.2.3.1, Fig. 41:1?2). The remainder of the regionally-made ceramics was either made in Acre (figure 13) or is of unknown origin (Burke and Stern Forthcoming).

Figure 10

Figure 10

 

Figure 11

Figure 11

 

Figure 12

Figure 12

 

Figure 13

Figure 13

 

The later Crusader ceramic assemblage at Jaffa dates from the early to mid-thirteenth century. Of the regional types (still 70% of the assemblage), now 89% originate in southern Lebanon. Of these the tablewares remain largely the same while the cooking wares have become thicker-walled, with thickened, sometimes modeled rims, and brown glaze on the entire interior up to the rim (figure 14, Arnon 2008: Types 772a and 75, pp. 373?74; Avissar and Stern 2005: Types II.2.1.4 and II.2.3.2, Figs. 39:7?8 and 41:3). The remainder of the regional types is either from Acre, elsewhere in southern Palestine, or of unknown origin (figure 15).

 

Figure 14

Figure 14

 

Figure 15

Figure 15

 

By the thirteenth century trade among the Crusader states, Byzantium, Egypt, and other parts of the Mediterranean world was well established, and the imported types reflect Jaffa’s participation in local, regional, and long-distance trade (Burke and Stern Forthcoming; Richard 1979: 74?75, 85?86, 201). The proportion of imports is still 30%, but now includes types known from Syria, Cyprus (figure 16), Italy, France, Spain or North Africa, and Egypt, in addition to Aegean and Black Sea types. The Byzantine world is reflected in well-known types such as Zeuxippus ware and Port St. Symeon ware (figure 17). Trade with the western Mediterranean is seen, for example, in Proto-Maiolica from Italy and Cobalt and Manganese ware from North Africa (figure 18).

 

Figure 16

Figure 16

 

Figure 17

Figure 17

 

Figure 18

Figure 18

 

The transition from Frankish to Mamluk rule in Jaffa according to the archaeological evidence so far shows that the lower town was primarily used as a burial ground (e.g., Arbel 2008; Peilstöcker 2009; Peilstöcker and Burke 2009; Peilstöcker, et al. 2006; Talmi 2009). Mamluk occupation may be expected closer to the center of the site, on top of the tell, or near the port. Depending on the nature of future excavations, the ceramic picture of early Mamluk Jaffa will most likely continue to show continuity in the regionally-made cooking wares, and a picture of Mediterranean trade that shows initial diminution but subsequent steady revival throughout the period (Ashtor 1974: 30; 1976: 677–81; Buhl and Bosworth 2002: 234?35; Day 2002: 812; Hütteroth and Abdulfattah 1977: 95).

Katherine Strange Burke

Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA

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Foran, Debra Carmen

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[1] The working photographs shown in this and all subsequent figures are shown courtesy of the excavators, Yoav Arbel and Martin Peilstöcker.

[2] As minimal references are provided here, further references for these and all subsequent pottery types mentioned can be found in Burke and Stern (Forthcoming).

ARCHEOLOGIE / ARCHAEOLOGY
BUJARD Jacques avec BONNET Charles

Les très beaux objets du VIIIe-IXe siècle découverts en 1990 sur les deux sites de la mission archéologique en Jordanie sont en cours de restauration au laboratoire du Musée d'Art et d'Histoire de Genève. Ils seront exposés dans ce musée en automne 1992 avant de retourner en Jordanie.
Si les céramiques peuvent être remontées sans trop de difficultés, les objets de métal - porte-lampes d'Umm er-Rasas, vases, cruches, brûle-parfums et bols d'Umm el-Walid - nécessitent une intervention plus délicate dont les phases sont présentées d'après un rapport de M. Claude Houriet, restaurateur.

Une restauration délicate

Une étude accompagnée d'un dossier photographique est effectuée par les collaborateurs scientifiques du laboratoire du Musée d'Art et d'Histoire avant la restauration. Elle a notamment pour objectif de réunir des informations sur la fabrication des objets et la nature des alliages.
Les objets jordaniens sont façonnés dans des alliages de cuivre. Ils se présentent actuellement dans deux états de conservation distincts; pour certains, le métal est encore malléable mais partiellement déformé par écrasement et déchirement. Pour d'autres, le métal est presque totalement oxydé; il est minéralisé, brisé en de nombreux fragments et certains éléments manquent.

Cruche en bronze apres restauration

J. Bujard. Cruche en bronze après sa restauration (Musée d'art et d'histoire de Genève).

 

Cruche en bronze avant restauration

J. Bujard. Cruche en bronze avant sa restauration (Musée d'art et d'histoire de Genève).

 

Choix et limites des interventions

Lors de réunions entre archéologues, collaborateurs scientifiques et restaurateurs, la restauration est définie, en tenant compte de l'éthique muséologique actuelle, selon l'état de conservation et des résultats recherchés. Les caractéristiques des objets et l'état de la surface sont maintenus intacts en redressant les éléments malléables sans les chauffer ni les marteler. Les éléments manquants sont en outre reconstitués afin d'améliorer la solidité et l'esthétique, tout en permettant facilement de discerner les pièces originales de la restauration.
Un traitement permettant la stabilisation des oxydations est tout d'abord effectué sur l'alliage de cuivre des objets afin d'éviter la continuation du processus de dégradation. Il est suivi d'un nettoyage des concrétions provenant de l'enfouissement.
Le redressement des objets encore malléables en alliage cuivreux se fait ensuite au moyen de formes en bois correspondant au profil de l'objet. Ces formes sont réalisées convexes pour l'intérieur et concave pour l'extérieur. Le métal est pris en sandwich et doucement redressé au moyen de presses semblables à des serre-joints. Les déchirures sont collées avec une résine époxy (réversible), l'intégration des collages se fait avec des couleurs acryliques dissimulant la restauration, visible cependant en transparence. La surface est améliorée dans la mesure du possible en intervenant sur la patine, par grattage au scalpel et par polissage.
L'assemblage des morceaux des objets minéralisés et cassants s'effectue par collage avec de la résine époxy. Il est effectué en tenant compte de la forme générale, car certains éléments déformés doivent être compensés au moment du collage. Les pièces manquantes sont réalisées avec de la résine armée de fibre de verre pour améliorer la résistance de l'ensemble. La restauration est visible en transparence, son intégration est achevée en utilisant des couleurs acryliques reproduisant l'aspect du bronze patiné.
Ainsi restaurés, ces objets exceptionnels sont moins fragiles et pourront être exposés dans de bonnes conditions à Genève puis en Jordanie.